CalICH
Homeless Emergency Aid Program (heap) Annual Report – Statewide
Read the report at California Interagency Council on Homelessness ↗
An Initial Assessment of California’s
Homeless Emergency Aid Program:
Assessing California’s Response to the Crisis
APRIL 2020
California State University, Sacramento Division of Social Work and
Institute for Social Research
A Report prepared for the Homeless Coordinating and Financing Council
in the California Business, Consumer Services, and Housing Agency
1
Acknowledgments
The Sacramento State research team would like to thank the administrators and other stakeholders
who participated in our interviews and surveys about their experiences with HEAP. We also
appreciate the direct service providers who took time from their important work to talk to us about
the programs and services they are helping coordinate in their communities to address
homelessness.
We also wish to acknowledge the support of the College of Health and Human Services and the
Division of Social Work at Sacramento State.
Research Team
• Arturo Baiocchi PhD • Jessica Newham
Assistant Professor of Social Work Research Analyst II, Institute for Social
Research
• Susanna Curry MSW PhD • Fleur Monnet Marfori
Assistant Professor of Social Work Graduate Research Assistant, Institute
for Social Research
Table of Contents
Acknowledgments
Research Team
Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................................................................ i
Key Findings about Funding ..................................................................................................................................................... i
Key Findings about Strategies ................................................................................................................................................ ii
Key Findings about Early Successes & Challenges ......................................................................................................... iii
Section 1: Introduction ...........................................................................................................................................................................1
State of Homelessness in California .......................................................................................................................................1
A Short History of HEAP Funding .......................................................................................................................................... 5
Purpose of Report and Methodology ................................................................................................................................ 10
Section 2: How are grantees spending HEAP Funds? .............................................................................................................. 12
Allocation of HEAP Funds by Category ............................................................................................................................. 12
Services ......................................................................................................................................................................................... 13
Capital Investments .................................................................................................................................................................. 14
Rental Assistance ....................................................................................................................................................................... 16
Youth Set Aside .......................................................................................................................................................................... 17
Differences in Spending between Cities and COCs ...................................................................................................... 18
Differences in Spending between Urban and Non-Urban Jurisdictions ................................................................ 19
Section 3: Strategies, Regional Coordination, and HEAP ........................................................................................................ 21
General Plans to Address Homelessness .......................................................................................................................... 21
Specific Strategies Regarding How to Prioritize HEAP ................................................................................................ 23
Strategy 1—Using HEAP to Develop Innovative Responses to Homelessness ................................................... 25
Strategy 2—Using HEAP to Scale-Up Existing Programs and Services ..................................................................27
Strategy 3—Using HEAP to Reassess and Revamp the System ............................................................................... 28
Section 4: Lessons Learned and Preliminary Outcomes ......................................................................................................... 30
Initial Concerns about the Flexibility of HEAP ................................................................................................................ 30
The Challenges and Success of Collaborative Planning ............................................................................................. 32
The Challenges Associated with Declaring a Shelter Crisis ....................................................................................... 34
The Challenges of Building Something New: Delays in Capital Investments ...................................................... 35
The Support of HCFC Staff .................................................................................................................................................... 35
Preliminary Perspectives on Impact of the Funds ......................................................................................................... 36
Summary and Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................................... 36
Appendix A: Survey Instrument & Results ................................................................................................................................. 40
Appendix B: Methodology and Factor Analysis ....................................................................................................................... 48
Appendix C: Glossary ........................................................................................................................................................................ 50
Appendix D: Allocation Tables ....................................................................................................................................................... 56
Executive Summary
California has been facing a homelessness crisis, particularly in the last four years as communities
across the state report substantial increases in the number of people experiencing homelessness. In
response, the California State legislature passed SB 850 in 2018, providing $500 million in one-time
funding to California communities through the Homeless Emergency Aid Program (HEAP). By
February 2019, the Homeless Coordinating and Financing Council (HCFC) had awarded 70% of funds
through 43 Continuums of Care (CoCs)1 and 30% of funds to 11 large cities throughout the state of
California.
The HCFC has commissioned faculty researchers at California State University, Sacramento to design
and implement a series of evaluation reports of HEAP. This report summarizes an initial assessment
of the planning and implementation phases of the initiative. Drawing from a review of applications,
20 in-depth interviews and 40 survey responses out of the 54 jurisdictions, this report describes:
• The variety of programs and innovative practices funded by HEAP in the past twelve months.
• The overarching strategies that communities used to guide their funding decisions.
• Early successes as well as challenges that communities have encountered while implementing
HEAP.
Readers of this report should note that the data and results presented are preliminary given that
the report does not focus on first-year outcomes.2 Nonetheless, the findings discussed in this
report regarding planning and implementation will help inform and frame ongoing evaluations of
HEAP and other similar state initiatives.
Key Findings about Funding
We learned that most communities have invested the largest share of their HEAP grants toward
providing direct services to individuals and families experiencing homelessness or at-risk of
homelessness. Over half of these services were fully operational as of Fall 2019.
● Ninety-two percent (92%) of communities used some portion of HEAP to provide direct
services such as such as street outreach, system navigation and homeless prevention services;
these investments will total $194 million (or represent 39% of all HEAP expenditures).
1 A Continuum of Care (CoC) is a community board that coordinates local homelessness planning efforts and disperses
federal funds awarded by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD).
2 A future report will provide more detail about specific programs as well as review first-year outcomes associated with the
number of individuals and families assisted.
i
● Many jurisdictions also prioritized HEAP towards capital investments to develop
infrastructure projects like emergency shelters and navigation centers. These capital
investments will total 36% of all HEAP expenditures, though amounts invested in these
projects varied widely across communities.
○ Compared to other HEAP investments,
many capital projects are still in the early Administration
Youth Specific
$21 Million
phases of development and not yet Services
4%
$33 Million
operational. 7%
● While communities allocated smaller amounts
of HEAP funds for rental assistance than other
types of investments (approximately 12%), these
Rental Assistance
Capital
programs were more likely to be fully $62 Million
Improvements
12%
$180 Million
operational by Fall 2019 than other programs.
36%
● Approximately 7% of HEAP funds will support
youth-specific programs. Administrators Direct Services
$194 Million
indicated that youth-specific programs also 39%
receive a significant portion of the HEAP
budgets for services and rental subsidies, so the
actual allotment to youth programs will likely be
higher than the initially reported youth-set
aside budgets.
Key Findings about Strategies
Many local administrators indicated three basic strategies of how their communities approached
funding decisions for HEAP. Many communities also blended aspects of these three strategies in their
general approach to funding.
● Many jurisdictions (56%) approached HEAP as an opportunity to invest in new and innovative
programs that address homelessness, particularly those that cut across different service
sectors (e.g., healthcare, mental health, law enforcement etc.).
● A different strategy, indicated by approximately 38% of jurisdictions, was to leverage HEAP
funds to scale up the existing capacity of current programs in the community.
● Similarly, approximately 26% of jurisdictions viewed HEAP as way to strategically improve the
services system in their community by addressing specific deficits, gaps or bottlenecks in the
system.
ii
Key Findings about Early Successes & Challenges
Per its mandate, the HEAP application process was designed with an emphasis on expediency and
flexibility. The goal was to provide emergency resources to communities as quickly as possible, but
also to allow jurisdictions the flexibility to deploy funds in ways that best met the unique needs of
their community. While some grantees expressed initial concern with this flexibility, most ultimately
came to appreciate that HEAP allowed them to support programs and services that other funding
sources could not.
• Some administrators noted that they were not initially accustomed to the level of flexibility
in the HEAP application and the “far fewer” guidelines about which programs could be
funded or not, as compared to other federal and state programs.
• Despite some initial apprehension and skepticism about this flexibility, many administrators
indicated that HEAP allowed them to invest in innovative efforts to address specific gaps in
their systems and underserved subpopulations. The flexibility of HEAP also made possible
new collaborations with providers in other service sectors such as in healthcare and
behavioral health.
The collaborative planning process required to apply for HEAP was straightforward for some and
politically challenging for others; the process generally brought new partners to the table or renewed
engagement among stakeholders who had been less involved.
● Communities were required to engage in a collaborative planning process to identify and
define their plans for HEAP—a process that was described as relatively straightforward by
many of the administrators we interviewed.
● However, the process could be challenging for rural CoCs administering funds across large
geographical jurisdictions spanning across two to four rural counties, particularly if they had
little administrative infrastructure. Larger CoCs also faced challenges engaging in a regional
coordination effort if they didn’t already have an existing regional plan in place.
● Involvement by new stakeholders, particularly city council members, was often described
positively in interviews and as an “opportunity” for more information-sharing, education, and
funding alignment. Nonetheless, some of these new stakeholders also ramped up the
political nature of the process, particularly with respect to declaring a shelter crisis, making
the process more challenging. A third of jurisdictions (36%) indicated that working within
their community to declare a shelter crisis was a great challenge.
● Despite these challenges, 82% of respondents indicated that their community’s regional
coordination has substantially improved in the past year as a consequence of HEAP. Similarly,
iii
78% of respondents agreed that communication between providers, the CoC, and other
stakeholders had also improved in the past year.
Administrators also noted challenges related to capital investments (such as building a new shelter).
● The majority of communities (75%) indicated that preparing sites/properties for capital
investments took longer than anticipated. Some communities described experiences in which
sites fell through due to political reasons, such as stronger neighborhood opposition than
anticipated.
● In 41% of communities, NIMBY-ism (“Not in My Backyard”) was viewed as a major barrier to
getting projects implemented and/or operational.
Communities highlighted that funds were awarded more quickly than state grants they had received
in the past, and that up-front funding allowed them to plan according to their own community’s
timeline.
This report is intended to provide an introduction to the use of HEAP funding across California
communities, and provide insight into experiences with the planning, award and implementation
phase of HEAP from local administrators’ perspectives. One goal of the report was to provide insight
that could inform decisions around how to allocate, award and monitor further state funding
targeted at addressing homelessness. To that end, at the conclusion of this report we provide
recommendations to guide future funding or implementation decisions. Later in 2020, we will
provide further details regarding the actual use of funds across communities, and impact of HEAP
across communities and across sub-populations of people experiencing homelessness.
iv
Section 1: Introduction
The Homeless Emergency Aid Program (HEAP) was established by Senate Bill 850 (2018) as a
response to the severe housing and homelessness crisis facing California. The initiative allotted within
the State’s 2018-19 budget a $500 million, one-time, flexible set of block grants to help local
communities throughout the state address the substantial rise in homelessness. By February 2019,
the Homeless Coordinating and Financing Council (HCFC) had awarded 54 block grants to 43
Continuums of Care (CoCs) and 11 municipalities throughout the state of California. Jurisdictions
applying for HEAP were required to conduct a collaborative community process to determine how
a one-time investment of funds could be best utilized within the context of their local communities.
While the majority of HEAP funds had to be allotted to immediately assist Californians experiencing
homelessness, or at imminent risk of homelessness, eligible uses of HEAP funds were intentionally
broadly defined to encourage jurisdictions to tailor their HEAP plans to the specific local needs of
their communities.
This report summarizes an initial assessment of the implementation phase of the initiative, the
findings of which will help researchers more effectively assess the impact of HEAP and similar
initiatives in the future. Drawing from a review of applications, in-depth interviews with local
administrators, as well as analysis of online surveys collected from most jurisdictions receiving HEAP,
the report generally describes the variety of programs and innovative practices that have been
funded by the initiative in the past twelve months across the state (Section 2). This report also
provides insight into how jurisdictions strategized their funding decisions for HEAP (Section 3) as
well as some of the early successes and challenges that communities have encountered
implementing the initiative (Section 4). Finally, the report concludes by summarizing a set of
recommendations for how researchers and policy makers can explore the varied and disparate
impacts that funding initiatives like HEAP can have on local service systems.
In the pages that follow, we continue this first section by summarizing the current state of knowledge
on the homeless crisis in California, which provides important context for understanding the
development of HEAP. Next, we review the key components of HEAP and its intended function as an
emergency aid program. We finish this section by discussing the research goals and methodologies
underpinning this report.
State of Homelessness in California
During the last four years, California has seen a substantial rise in the number of individuals and
families experiencing homelessness. According to most recent estimates from the U.S. Department
of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), approximately 151,000 Californians experienced
1
homelessness on any given night across the state in 2019—a figure that is 31% higher since 2015.3
This indicates that approximately 38 out of every 10,000 Californians experience homelessness each
night, a per capita rate that is twice the national average (i.e., 17 per 10,000). Moreover, the majority
of individuals experiencing homelessness in California (70%) are sleeping outside of shelters or
housing programs (i.e., unsheltered homelessness).
While official estimates of homelessness are imperfect and do not capture all forms of housing
instability, the consistency of trends from the last four years nonetheless indicate a significant spike
in homelessness throughout the state.4 Indeed, there is overwhelming evidence that homelessness
has substantially affected nearly every community in California in the last four to five years.
• Nearly 80% of jurisdictions in California report double digit growth in the number of
individuals experiencing homelessness between 2015 and 2019 (e.g., on average communities
in California reported a 40% increase in the last four years).
• Most jurisdictions report acute increases in the number of individuals sleeping outside (i.e.,
unsheltered homelessness); an additional 35,000 Californians are estimated to be sleeping
outside each night since 2015 (a nearly 50% increase). About a quarter of communities report
that the number of individuals sleeping outside has more than doubled in their area during
the last four years.
• While much of the growth in homelessness and housing instability have been reported in
urban communities (urban communities comprise two thirds of all the homeless reports in
the state), rural and suburban communities have also indicated increases in local
homelessness. On average rural communities report an 80% increase in homelessness during
the last four years.5
This recent and significant rise of homelessness in California reverses a broader trend of gradually
decreasing reports of homelessness from 2007 to 2015. Consistent with the rest of the county, most
communities in California had been reporting declining trends across those eight years, that
averaged net reductions of nearly 17% by 2015. The most recent data suggests, however, that much
3 It is important to note that the Point-in-Time Count provides only a snapshot of homelessness for one night. Over the
course of an entire year many more individuals experience homelessness; this is because different individuals enter and
exit—and sometimes return to—a state of homelessness over time. By rough approximation, 151,000 nightly homelessness
could correspond to between 300,000 to 450,000 Californians experiencing homelessness during the course of a year.
4 Achieving an accurate count of all individuals experiencing homelessness within a geographic area is notoriously difficult
for various reasons. While PIT counts may lack absolutely accuracy (in terms of accounting for every person experiencing
homelessness within a county), they can nonetheless provide reasonable indicators of general increases and decreases
over time when they are deployed consistently across years. The consistency of trends from the last four years, across
various communities, indicate strong evidence that California is experiencing a substantial increase in homelessness—
though the specific amount of increase is difficult to estimate given some changes in methodology over time.
5 It should be noted that a portion of the increases in homeless counts likely reflect improved methodologies that various
communities have implemented over time to enhance the accuracy of the count (improved sampling, extrapolation
techniques etc.). Because HUD does not adjust/control for the differences in improved methodologies across different
communities, readers should note that it is difficult to estimate the precise amount of increase.
2
of this progress has been reversed in the last four to five years. Indeed, a majority of communities in
California (53%) report a higher homeless count in 2019 than in 2007.
FIGURE 1 : POINT IN TIME ESTIMATES FOR CALIFORNIA; 2007-2019 6
160,000
150,000
140,000
130,000
120,000
110,000
100,000
2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019
The increase in homelessness in California is also in stark contrast to the strong economic recovery
and growth the state has nonetheless experienced during the last decade. According to the Bureau
of Economic Analysis, California’s economy has experienced consistent and strong growth during
the last 10 years, far outpacing most other states.7 During this time the unemployment rate in
California also declined by nearly 60% from 9.7% in 2009 to a rate of 3.9% at the end of 2019.8
Despite these and other positive economic indicators, many Californians are nonetheless finding
themselves in situations in which they are at-risk of experiencing homelessness as well as prolonged
bouts of housing instability.9
The two most salient, and interrelated, factors that contribute to an increased prevalence of
homelessness, despite California’s strong economy, are the state’s high levels of income inequality
and cost of housing—both of which have increased in the past decade. Indeed, community levels of
housing affordability, which are the strongest community-level predictors of homelessness,10 has
6 HUD reports estimates for homelessness every year, but it should be noted that most communities in California collect
and provide this information to HUD only every other year (i.e., 2015, 2017, 2019), per the requirement and given the
resources needed to conduct a Point-in-Time count. The chart reports the PIT results of just the odd years, as they
correspond to years when most counts were conducted in California. In 2018, HUD did report a slight decline in counts
between 2017 and 2018 for California, but this estimate was based mainly results of a few communities which had conducted
a count in 2018.
7 California’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has averaged 5% yearly growth the last ten years, compared to the average
of 3.6% yearly growth across the country during this time (not adjusted for inflation). [US Bureau of Economic Analysis,
retrieved from https://www.bea.gov].
8 US Bureau of Labor Statistics, retrieved from https://www.bls.gov/eag/eag.us.html.
9 Public Policy Institute of California (2019). Housing. Retrieved from https://www.ppic.org/wpcontent/
uploads/californias-future-housing-january-2019.pdf
10 Housing affordability generally refers to the ratio of housing costs to income; which is often calculated by comparing
median income levels to median housing costs. Households that spend more than 30% on these costs are designated as
burdened renters. Researchers have found that community measures of housing affordability (i.e., the percent of burdened
3
worsened in many of the most populous regions in California. A number of recent research findings
highlight the complex relationship between inequality, housing and the growth of homelessness in
the state.
• California has a high level of income inequality, which has worsened in the last decade.
Indeed, income disparities between California households are today greater than at almost
any point during the past five decades.11
• While production of housing and rental units is increasing in the state, much of the growth
has focused on the higher end of the rental and housing markets. Economists note that the
share of low-cost rental units has declined substantially during the last three decades; just
25% of rental units are currently low-cost. Notably, the net number of rental apartments in
the state under $1,000 a month declined by a third just between 2012 and 2017.12
• Four out of ten Californians (36%) are currently living in or near poverty, a rate that is higher
than it was a decade ago.13 A number of studies highlight this large share of households in
California cannot find housing they can afford. The average price for a house in California is
2.5 times the national average, making homeownership to many Californians inaccessible;
the current rate of homeownership in the state is the lowest since before World War II.14
• Rents are also 50% higher in California than the rest of the country. So even with full-time
employment, many Californian households struggle to meet basic needs—most of all the
rising cost of housing. An estimated 55% of renters spend more than 30 percent of their total
household income on housing (excluding the cost of utilities). In addition, nearly 30% of
renters in California spend over 50 percent of their income on rent (severely rent burdened).15
• Notably, the nation’s three most expensive rental markets are all currently in California –
including San Jose (median rent of $3,318 per month), San Francisco ($3,150), Los Angeles
renters in a community) to be one of the strongest and consistent predictors of community-levels of homelessness. See
for example: Byrne, Thomas, Ellen A. Munley, Jamison D. Fargo, Ann E. Montgomery, and Dennis P. Culhane (2013)."New
perspectives on community-level determinants of homelessness." Journal of Urban Affairs, 35 (5): 607-625.
11 Top income earners in California (i.e., those at the 80th percentile and higher) earn today between 30% to 40% more
than they did in 1980 (adjusted for inflation), while those in low income brackets (i.e., those at the 20th percentile or lower)
earn between 10% to 20% less than they did forty years ago. [Public Policy Institute of California (2016). Income Inequality
and the Safety Net. Retrieved https://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/report/R_516SBR.pdf].
12 Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University (2019). Documenting the Long-Run Decline in Low-Cost Rental
Units in the US by State. Retrieved from
https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/harvard_jchs_loss_of_low_cost_rental_housing_la_jeunesse_2019_0.pdf
13 The official poverty rate in California is 14%; however more comprehensive measures of household poverty (which
incorporate housing costs) indicate that 36% of households in California are living in or near poverty. [Public Policy Institute
of California (2019). Poverty in California. Retrieved from https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/JTF_PovertyJTF.pdf.]
14 Zillow Research (2019). U.S. Rents Continue to Rise as For-Sale Inventory Dries Up. Retrieved from
https://www.zillow.com/research/u-s-rents-continue-to-rise-as-for-sale-inventory-dries-up-october-2019-market-report-
25987.
15 See footnote 9
4
($2,614).16 Residents in these three metropolitan areas not only report some of the highest
ratios of rent to income in the country (e.g., in Los Angeles the median rent represents 44%
of the median income), but these communities represent the largest share of Californians
experiencing homelessness (a combined 74,000 residents in these metro areas experience
homelessness on any given night). Since 2014 median rents have increased by an average of
24% in these communities; these communities also report the largest increases in
homelessness during this time (about 55% of the state’s total increase in homelessness
between 2015 and 2019 were reported by these communities).
FIGURE 2 : RENTAL INCREASES IN CALIFORNIA’S TOP THREE RENTAL MARKETS
$3,500
San Jose
$3,300
$3,323
San Francisco
$3,100 $3,161
Los Angeles
$2,900
$2,700
$2,603
$2,500
$2,281
$2,300
$2,187
$2,100
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
A Short History of HEAP Funding
In response to the growing number of people experiencing homelessness in California, legislative
leaders, with help from mayors of the eleven largest cities in the state, collectively mobilized to
provide communities immediate access to emergency funding for programs and services. Passed in
June 2018, SB 850 allocated $500 million in one-time block grants through the Homeless Emergency
Aid Program (HEAP) for Californian communities to address homelessness. HEAP was intended to
provide interim funding until other funding was available.
Approximately 70% of the $500 million was allocated to Continuums of Care (CoCs), which are local
planning bodies that coordinate federal funding for housing and services addressing homelessness
in communities. The other 30% was allocated to large cities in California with populations over
16 This is based on the Zillow Rental Index, which aggregates median rents across various rental types within the geographic
market. [see source: https://www.zillow.com/research/zillow-rent-index-methodology-2393/]
5
330,000. The specific fund amounts were allocated based on a three-part formula based on the
results of the 2017 Point-in-Time (PIT) Counts.17 More specifically:
• $250 million was allocated to CoCs based on the total of their local 2017 PIT Count.
• An additional $100 million was allocated to CoCs based on their respective total as a
percentage of the overall statewide 2017 PIT Count.
• $150 million was allocated to large cities based on their respective population size.
Jurisdictions applying for HEAP were required to conduct a collaborative community process to
determine how a one-time investment of funds could be best utilized within the context of their local
communities. While the majority of HEAP funds had to be allotted to immediately assist Californians
experiencing homelessness, or at imminent risk of homelessness, eligible uses of HEAP funds were
intentionally broadly defined to encourage jurisdictions to tailor their HEAP plans to the specific local
needs of their communities. General guidelines included the following:
• HEAP funds could be used by CoCs or cities for a broad range of programs that would
provide emergency assistance, including diversion activities, emergency aid, and prevention
activities, to people currently or at imminent risk of experiencing homelessness.
• Programs could be funded under three general categories: Services, Capital Improvements,
and Rental Assistance.
• In addition, communities were required to allocate at least 5% of funds to specifically support
programs serving youth or young adults facing, or at risk of, homelessness.
• No more than 5% was allowed for administrative costs.
• Half of the funds awarded were required to be contractually obligated by January 1, 2020,
and the remaining awards must be contractually obligated by June 30, 2021.
Applicants were also required to provide evidence that their collaborative coordination process had
engaged a wide range of stakeholders from different sectors in the community.18 Further, CoCs and
cities with 1,000 or more people experiencing homelessness19 had to declare a shelter crisis that had
17 The Point-in-Time (PIT) count is a federal requirement for all local Continuums of Care. The PIT is a count of people
experiencing homelessness (both sheltered and unsheltered) on a single night at the end of January.
18 Documentation of the collaborative process could be in the form of meeting agendas or minutes; sign-in sheets; or
public comment logs.
19 Based on the 2017 Point-in-Time Count.
6
to be adopted by the governing body (e.g. a city council) of the jurisdiction within the CoC or large
city.20
By February 2019, the Homeless Coordinating and Financing Council (HCFC)21 had awarded a total
54 block grants (totaling $499 million) to 43 Continuums of Care (CoCs) and 11 municipalities
throughout the state. Approximately 70% of the emergency funding was ultimately allocated to CoCs
($349 million), while 30% was disbursed to 11 municipalities ($150 million). More specifically, the
largest proportion of HEAP funds went to 16 urban CoCs (42% or approximately $208 million),
followed by the eleven large cities (30%; $150 million). Seventeen suburban CoCs together received
22% of the total HEAP funds ($109 million), and 10 rural CoCs received 6% of total funds ($32 million).
FIGURE 3 : HEAP ALLOCATION BY TYPE OF COC
$109 Million
22% $150 Million
30%
17 Suburban CoCs
11 Major Cities
$32 Million
6%
10 Rural CoCs
$208 Million
42%
16 Urban
CoCs
To illustrate the general scope of HEAP across California, the below figure shows the geographic
distribution HEAP funding allocation across the state. The map below presents dollar amounts as
allocated by county jurisdictions—though it should be noted that funds were allocated primarily to
CoCs, which were not always situated within a county office or not always aligned with county
20 Jurisdictions with fewer than 1,000 individuals included in the 2017 PIT were able to submit a waiver of the shelter
declaration requirement. For more information about the shelter declaration requirement, see Homeless Emergency Aid
Program Guidance, https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/hcfc/documents/heap_overview.pdf.
21 In Summer 2018, administration of HEAP funds was moved from the California Department of Housing and
Community Development (HCD) to the Homeless Coordinating and Financing Council (HCFC) within the California
Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency. Applications for HEAP funds were due by December 31, 2018 and by
January 21, 2019 HCFC had awarded the entire $500 million.
7
jurisdictions. The map also combines amounts awarded to multiple grantees within the same county;
for example, combining grant amounts awarded to a large city and CoC within the same county.
FIGURE 4: HEAP ALLOCATION AND 2017 HOMELESS POINT IN TIME COUNT BY CA COUNTIES
As the map highlights, jurisdictions within every county received at least a proportion of funding
from HEAP, whether the grantee was a CoC, city, or both located within any particular county. It
should be noted, however, that counties often did not receive HEAP funds directly; rather, CoCs
and municipalities operating within county jurisdictions applied and dispersed funds locally.22
Nonetheless, the map illustrates that the disbursement of HEAP funds corresponded to the 2017
PIT Counts.
22 In some situations, counties did receive funds directly because the respective CoC operates within a county’s
departmental infrastructure of programs and services (e.g., such as a Department of Human Assistance, or Department of
Housing). But in other situations, CoCs operate outside the purview of county government; they are situated within a
municipal office or city department, or are completely separate from local government altogether and operate as non-
governmental, non-profits. Adding to the complexity, in urban regions of the state multiple CoCs can operate within the
same county (as for example there are four different CoCs in LA County), while in rural regions a single CoC can administer
programs across a number of counties. For the sake of simplicity, the two maps illustrate the distribution of funds, as well
as the 2017 homeless count, by county jurisdiction.
8
Figure 5: HEAP Allocation by Region and 2017 Homeless Point in Time Count 23 24
4%
North and Mountain
4%
5%
Central Valley Regional % of 2017 PIT
5%
Regional Allocation
10%
Central/Southern Farm
11%
16%
Southern CA w/o LA
18%
23%
Bay Area
25%
42%
Los Angeles Region
36%
0% 20% 40% 60%
In Figure 5, we present allocations across six regions in California (blue bars) compared to the total
regional % of total individuals in the 2017 Point-in-Time Homeless Count (“PIT counts”; yellow bars).
This graph illustrates that across regions, allocations were relatively consistent with the 2017 PIT
counts.
Per the mandate to provide funding as quickly as possible, HEAP funds were made available to nearly
every grantee within 60 days of their completed application. However, HCFC often exceeded this
goal and disbursed funds to most grantees within two weeks of their application submission. By
January 10th, 2019—10 days after the application closed—HCFC staff reported that 85% of HEAP
funds had already been disbursed.
23 The six-region regional grouping referred to as “CDSS/DAPB” was recommended in the following report: California
Department of Social Services Research and Development Division (2001, August). The regions of California: Recommended
Grouping of the counties for regional studies. Sacramento, CA: Author. Retrieved from
https://www.cdss.ca.gov/research/res/pdf/multireports/RegionsofCalifornia.pdf.
24 Bay Area: Alameda CoC; City and County of SF (City and CoC); City of Oakland; City of San Jose; Contra Costa County
CoC; Marin CoC; Napa CoC; San Mateo CoC; Santa Clara CoC; Sonoma CoC; Vallejo/Solano CoC; Watsonville/Santa Cruz
City and County CoC. Central Valley: City of Sacramento; Davis, Woodland/Yolo CoC; El Dorado County CoC; Roseville,
Rocklin/Placer, Nevada Counties CoC; Sacramento City and County CoC; Yuba City and County/Sutter County CoC.
Central/Southern Farm: Bakersfield/Kern CoC; City of Bakersfield; City of Fresno; Fresno City and County/Madera County
CoC; Imperial County CoC; Kings/Tulare CoC; Merced City and County; Salinas/Monterey CoC; San Louis Obispo CoC;
Stanislaus CoC; Stockton/San Joaquin. Los: Angeles: City of Glendale CoC; City of Long Beach (City and CoC); City of Los
Angeles; Los Angeles City and County CoC; Pasadena CoC. North and Mountain: Alpine, Inyo and Mono Counties; Chico,
Paradise/Butte County CoC; Colusa, Glenn, Trinity Counties CoC; Humboldt County CoC; Lake CoC; Mendocino CoC;
Redding/Shasta CoC; Tehama County CoC; Tuolumne, Amador, Calaveras, and Mariposa CoC. Southern California without
LA: City of Anaheim; City of San Diego; City of Santa Ana; Oxnard CoC; Riverside CoC; San Bernardino CoC; San Diego
CoC; Santa Ana, Anaheim/Orange County CoC; Santa Maria/Santa Barbara County CoC.
9
Purpose of Report and Methodology
In September 2019 the HCFC commissioned faculty researchers at California State University,
Sacramento to design and implement a series of evaluation reports of HEAP. This report summarizes
an initial assessment of the implementation phase of the initiative, with the goal of providing insight
into HEAP and ways to effectively assess its impact across service systems in California. In addition,
this initial assessment was motivated by three research questions:
1) What are the variety of programs and innovative practices funded by HEAP in the past twelve
months?
2) What are the overarching strategies that communities used to guide their funding decisions?
3) What are some of the early successes as well as challenges that communities have
encountered while implementing HEAP?
To address these questions, the research team conducted 24 in-depth interviews between October
and November 2019 with local administrators from 20 communities receiving HEAP funding
throughout the state (a sample of 16 out of 43 CoCs and four out of 11 large cities that had received
HEAP funding).25 Each interview lasted approximately 45-70 minutes and explored a variety of topics
associated with strategies, challenges and early success with HEAP. All interviews were audio
recorded and analyzed by the research team.26
To assess whether the findings from these interviews could be generalized to other jurisdictions
receiving funding, the research team next developed a standard survey to administer to all HEAP
recipients.27 Questions for the survey were derived out of a thematic analysis of the interviews, and
included a series of Likert-style questions in which respondents responded to the specific strategies,
challenges and successes that were reported in the interviews. After field testing the instrumentation
of these questions (see appendix A for final survey instrument), the researchers sent the confidential
25 We randomly selected five jurisdictions from each of the following categories (strata): 1) Large communities receiving
over $9 million (n=18 communities), 2) Medium-sized communities receiving between $3 and $9 million (n= 17
communities), and 3) Small communities receiving under $3 million (19 communities). We also purposively selected nine
(9) additional communities based on recommendations from HCFC. In total, we contacted 24 communities for interviews
and completed in-depth interviews across 20 communities (16 CoCs and four large cities). In four communities, we spoke
to administrators from both the CoC and the Large City that received separate HEAP funding.
26 All interviews were conducted by phone, with the exception of interviews conducted in Sacramento, which were
conducted in-person. Thematic analysis of the in-depth qualitative interviews was conducted by two researchers, which
revealed eight themes regarding communities’ strategies, barriers, successes, and recommendations regarding HEAP.
27 The survey instrument included a series of questions about how communities had planned and allocated funding from
their block grants as well as a set of Likert-style questions and statement about how communities had strategized their
HEAP investments (i.e., to what extent communities strongly agreed vs. strongly disagreed to certain strategies and
priorities.) (See Appendix A for survey instrument).
10
survey to administrators in every jurisdiction receiving HEAP funding28 through the Qualtrics online
platform. Ultimately, 40 out of 54 HEAP award recipients (CoCs and cities) responded to the survey,
resulting in a 74% response rate.29 A general analysis of jurisdictions that did not participate in the
survey revealed little differences to those that did participate—suggesting that the results of the
survey are generally representative of all jurisdictions receiving HEAP funds.30
The research team also analyzed application submissions and tracking documents maintained by
HCFC, which captured the total HEAP allocation amounts for each city or CoC, as well as the subtotals
that jurisdictions initially proposed for the categories of services, rental assistance, capital
investments, and the youth set-side (as well as amounts allocated to administration). These data
sources also contained supporting materials that jurisdictions submitted as part of their HEAP
application, which often included evidence of how administrators coordinated their efforts with their
different stakeholders in the community, as well as various planning documents that they sometimes
cited in their application (e.g., strategic homeless plans).
In the sections that follow, we present the results of our analysis of these various data sources, and
our attempts to triangulate findings that speak to the challenges, successes and lessons learned from
the first phase of HEAP.
28 The survey was sent to the point of contact in every community that received HEAP funds on November 6, 2019 and
communities were able to respond to the survey until November 20, 2019.
29 All data were kept confidential; no identifying information was shared with anyone outside of the research team, with
the exception of communities who provided permission for us to share innovative practices in their community.
30 The research team conducted a general analysis of survey responses to assess any potential response bias between
jurisdictions that participated in the survey and those that did not. The factors analyzed included the urbanicity of the
jurisdiction, its regional location within the state, and its average HEAP allotments. While not an exhaustive analysis, the
findings revealed little differences between jurisdictions that responded to the survey and those that did not. Nonetheless,
jurisdictions from the Bay Area were slightly under-represented in the sample (20% of respondents but 24% of all
applicants). while rural communities were slightly over-represented (22% vs. 19%). Despite these differences, the research
team considers the results of the survey to be fairly representative.
11
Section 2: How are grantees spending HEAP Funds?
As discussed in the previous section, HEAP funds could be used by communities for a broad range
of programs that provide emergency assistance to people currently or at imminent risk of
experiencing homelessness, including diversion activities, emergency aid, and prevention activities.
Generally speaking, programs could be funded under four general categories of: Services, Capital
Improvements, Rental Assistance, and Youth Set-Aside. In this section we explore how communities
made investments in these categories, and the extent to which these projects or programs are
operational.
Allocation of HEAP Funds by Category
As shown in Figure 6 below, across community applications for HEAP funding in late 2018,
communities directed the highest proportion of total funds toward direct services (39%).
Communities also prioritized capital improvements which account for 36% of HEAP allocations.
Rental assistance made up 13% of total funds planned, administration made up 4% of total funds,
and youth set-aside funds made up 7% of funds planned at time of application.31
Figure 6: HEAP Allocation by Category
Youth Specific Administration
Programs $21 Million
$33 Million 4%
7%
Rental Assistance
$62 Million Capital Improvements
12% $180 Million
36%
Direct Services
$194 Million
39%
31 As discussed later in the report, these proportions have changed across communities in some categories. Updated figures
will be provided in a later report.
12
Services
In our survey sent to administrators in November 2019, almost all communities (92%) reported that
they had allocated some portion of their HEAP grant to support direct services; services that directly
help Californians either avoid or exit homelessness. According to applications submitted to HCFC,
these investments into services will total approximately $194 million and will ultimately represent the
largest share of HEAP expenditures (approximately 39% of all HEAP funds allocated).32
Figure 7: PLANNED FUNDS AND FULLY OPERATIONAL SERVICE PROGRAMS
Services
Used HEAP funds for services 92%
Navigation services 56%
Homeless prevention services 54%
Street outreach 51%
Short-term/comprehensive homeless services 38%
Other services 31%
Landlord outreach/mitigation 28%
Safe parking programs 21%
Fully Operational
Diversion interventions 21%
Funded
Employment training 15%
Criminal justice diversion programs 13%
Program staffing 5%
Direct health and hygiene services 5%
Encampment clean up 5%
Hospital discharge services 5%
Case management 3%
Health and safety education 3%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
While there are a broad variety of services being currently funded by HEAP, the three most common
as reported in our survey include navigation services (as reported by 56% of communities), homeless
prevention services (54%), and street outreach (51%).
32 It is important to note that allocations for specific categories (services, rental assistance, capital investments, youth set-
aside) as specified in community applications have changed in some communities. In a later report, updated data regarding
specific dollar amounts spent in different categories will be available.
13
• Navigation services often resemble a case management intervention in which the focus is on
assisting individuals and families find and secure permanent housing. Activities associated
with navigation services often include: identifying barriers, assisting with the application
process in the private market, guiding clients with subsidized housing applications and
opportunities, or making connections to transitional housing programs if needed.
• Homeless prevention services include a range of activities that target people at imminent risk
of homelessness and intervene to help people remain housed. They may come in the form
of short-term financial assistance, landlord mediations, assistance in qualifying for
mainstream benefits, or other problem-solving solutions.
• Street outreach involves the process of identifying and engaging people currently living
outside, in an effort to reach people who may not otherwise seek assistance or come to the
attention of a homelessness service system.
As Figure 7 shows, communities are also using HEAP to fund a variety of innovative services including
landlord mitigation (services to reduce evictions, as reported by 28% of communities) safe parking
programs (21%), employment training (15%), and hospital discharge services (5%).
On average, administrators reported that 88% of the services are currently either partially operational
(39%) or fully operational (49%). In contrast, administrators indicated that 12% of these services were
yet to be implemented. Notably, communities providing hospital discharge services or encampment
clean up, indicated that all of the programs are currently operational (100%). Similarly, a high
proportion of communities providing landlord outreach/mitigation intervention also reported these
services as fully operational (82%).
Capital Investments
Approximately 87% of communities responding to our survey in November 2019 reported using
HEAP funds for capital investments. In community applications submitted in late 2018, this included
approximately $180 million (36% of all HEAP funds allocated).
As the figure shows, 51% of communities are using funds to develop Emergency Shelters (the most
common use of capital investment funding), while 26% are developing Bridge/Triage Shelters (which
are often shelters integrated with a broad array of services so that they can serve as a bridge to more
permanent housing).
14
Figure 8: PLANNED FUNDS AND FULLY OPERATIONAL CAPITAL INVESTMENT PROGRAMS
Capital Investments
Used HEAP funds for capital investments 87%
Emergency shelter 51%
Bridge/Triage shelter 26%
Permanent supportive housing 26%
Other capital improvements 26%
Fully Operational
Drop-in centers/day shelters 18%
Funded
Amenities/restrooms 15%
Transitional housing 15%
Small/tiny homes 13%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
A quarter of communities (26%) reported using capital investment to build more for Permanent
Supportive Housing units in their community.
• Permanent Supportive Housing programs combine low-barrier affordable housing, health
care, and supportive services to help individuals and families lead more stable lives.
Communities are also directing capital investments toward built projects that will provide daily
amenities to individuals experiencing homelessness such as drop-in centers/day centers; public
restrooms and showers. A number of grantees are also investing in transitional housing and
small/tiny homes communities.
Given the longer timeline needed to develop new property projects (i.e., site preparation, navigating
zoning requirements etc.), few communities report that these programs are currently operational
and serving individuals. On average communities indicated that only 12% of these programs are fully
operational today, and 45% are partially operational; 43% of these projects were yet to be
implemented. A discussion of why capital investments may be less likely to be operational at this
point in the grant cycle can be found later in Sections 3 and 4 of this report.
15
Rental Assistance
As shown in Figure 9, 85% of communities planned or allocated HEAP funds to support a variety of
rental assistance programs. Applications for HEAP indicate that rental assistance will comprise the
smallest share of HEAP funds; approximately $62 million or 12% of all HEAP funds allocated.
Figure 9: PLANNED FUNDS AND FULLY OPERATIONAL RENTAL ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS
Rental Assistance
Used HEAP funds for rental assistance 85%
Rental assistance 67%
Rapid re-housing programs 41%
Motel vouchers 33%
Flexible housing subsidy funds 33%
Fully Operational
Short term emergency housing interventions 26%
Funded
Eviction prevention strategies 18%
Housing vouchers 10%
Host homes 5%
Other rental assistance or subsidies 5%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
The most common use of funds in this category include rental assistance (as reported by 67% of
communities) and rapid re-housing programs (41%).
• Rental assistance involves direct financial support to cover move-in costs, deposits, and the
rental and or/utility assistance necessary to allow individuals to move immediately out of
homelessness and stabilize in permanent housing.
• Rapid re-housing programs focus on moving individuals and families from a state of
homelessness into permanent housing by providing short-term rental assistance and services
with the intent of reducing the amount of time spent experiencing homelessness. Rapid re-
housing models often include services such as housing identification; rent and move-in
assistance; and rapid re-housing case management and services intended to resolve
16
immediate crisis situations. These services are offered without preconditions (e.g., income,
sobriety, employment) and tailored to unique household needs.
Approximately a third of communities also reported directing these funds toward motel vouchers
(33%) as well as a flexible housing general fund (33%).
• Motel vouchers provide a temporary place to stay, generally utilizing a hotel or motel with
which the referring agency has a prior agreement, but in some cases, temporary lodging
selected by the individual.
• A flexible housing fund/”pool” is a generally established to support the provision of rental
subsidies in permanent housing to assist individuals and families; for bridge subsidies to
property owners waiting for approval from another permanent rental subsidy source;
vacancy payments; or project-based rental or operative reserves. Upon availability of rental
subsidies, flexible housing subsidy funds are available for providers to assist clients with other
move-in costs and intensive case manager services, often using a “whatever it takes
approach” to aid clients in securing housing.
Other uses of the rental assistance funding category included short term emergency housing
interventions (26%), eviction prevention strategies (18%), housing vouchers (10%), and host homes
(5%).
On average communities indicated that 90% of these various services that they reported were either
partially operationally (36%) or fully operational (54%). Among those who were providing eviction
prevention strategies (18% of respondents), 86% reported that their programs were fully operational,
the highest rate among rental assistance strategies. In all other types of rental assistance programs
except for the general category “rental assistance” and the category “host homes,” at least half of
communities indicated that their programs were fully operational.
Youth Set Aside
In jurisdiction applications submitted in late 2018, approximately $33 million (7% of all HEAP funds)
were allocated to communities to address youth homelessness specifically. Jurisdictions were
required to set aside at least 5% of funds for youth-specific programs or projects; some communities
allocated a far higher proportion. In a May 2019 report, John Burton Advocates for Youth (JBAY) note
that 36% of CoCs and 29% of large cities that participated in the study were using part of their HEAP
youth set-aside funds for youth shelter, and this was the most common use of these funds.33 The
second most common use of the youth set-aside funds was for transitional housing for youth,
followed by Rapid Re-Housing and Permanent Supportive Housing (JBAY, 2019). It is important to
33 John Burton Foundation Advocates for Youth (2019, May). Youth homelessness in California: What impact has the five
percent youth set-aside in the Homeless Emergency Aid Program had so far? San Francisco, CA: Author. Retrieved from
https://www.jbaforyouth.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/HEAP-Brief_May-2019_final.pdf
17
note, however, that 13 of the 30 CoCs who participated in the study were unable to report how they
planned to use the youth set-aside funds because they had not yet finalized their contracts. In a later
report, we will be able to provide further information on youth served through HEAP funding.
Differences in Spending between Cities and COCs
Figure 10: PLANNED FUNDS BY CATEGORY AMONG CITIES VS. COCS
7%
Youth
9%
CoCs
Large Cities
12%
Rental Assistance
13%
42%
Services
30%
32%
Capital Improvements
45%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%
As previously discussed, approximately 30% of all HEAP funds ($150 million) were distributed directly
to eleven large cities, while 70% ($349 million) were distributed to 43 CoCs. Figure 10 shows how
these two groups of recipients (large cities and CoCs) allocated HEAP funds across the categories of
capital investment, services, rental assistance and youth programs specifically. At the time of
application, large cities collectively34 allocated a substantially larger proportion of their HEAP
budgets toward capital investments as compared to CoCs (45% among cities vs. 32% among CoCs).
Relatedly, the 11 large cities used a lower proportion of their HEAP funds for services (30% among
cities vs. 43% among CoCs). However, there is some evidence that large cities coordinated with the
local CoC in their applications for funding (in some communities both the CoC and the Large City
received separate HEAP grants). In these situations, the Large City applicant often prioritized capital
investments in their application (as for example, one Large City allocated 90% of their HEAP budget
34 The percentage bars in the chart represent the proportion of total amounts that each group collectively planned to
allocate to the respective categories. For example, the first blue percentage bar depicts the summed amounts that CoCs
collectively allocated specifically to youth programs as a proportion of the total amounts they received; CoC collectively
allocated $25 million specifically for youth programs out of the $349 million that they received (or 7%). The specific amounts
are based on the initial proposed amounts that jurisdictions indicated at the time of their application, which may have been
modified after funds were received
18
toward new capital investments), while the CoC in these same communities prioritized services and
rental assistance.
More generally, however, both Cities and CoCs allocated similar proportions of their budgets toward
rental assistance (12% and 13%, respectively) and youth-specific programs (7% and 9%
respectively).35
Differences in Spending between Urban and Non-Urban Jurisdictions
Figure 11: PLANNED FUNDS BY CATEGORY AMONG URBAN AND NON-URBAN JURISDICTIONS
8%
Youth Set-Aside 9%
6% Rural
Suburban
11%
Urban
Rental Assistance 8%
14%
59%
Capital Improvements 54%
28%
17%
Services 24%
46%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80%
Comparing how CoC and large cities allocated their HEAP budgets, however, masks some notable
patterns in how jurisdictions in rural and urban communities developed their budgets differently.
Using the same urban, suburban and rural designations by which HUD identifies CoCs throughout
the state, reveals that HEAP awarded 25 grants to jurisdictions within urban communities, 19
jurisdictions within suburban communities, and ten (10) jurisdictions within rural communities. As
the Figure 11 demonstrates, these communities varied in their HEAP allocations, particularly with
respect to capital investments and services. Both rural and suburban communities invested heavily
in new capital investments (relatively speaking); these communities collectively allocated over half
of their HEAP funds toward projects like a new shelter, navigation center or other built project. This
may reflect the fact that rural and suburban communities have limited infrastructure and likely used
35 These figures have changed in many communities since time of application. Updated proportions will be provided in a
later report.
19
HEAP as opportunity to make long term investments in their service systems. In contrast,
jurisdictions in urban communities invested more heavily on direct services; some urban
communities allocated three the times the relative amount to services compared to rural
communities (46%-55% vs. 17%). While this pattern may seem to contradict the earlier stated
finding that large cities invested more heavily in capital investments than services, it should be
noted that the service expenditures of CoCs in these urban communities more than off-set the
capital investments made by large cities. That is to say, CoCs co-located in the same community
where a large city also received a HEAP grant, prioritized services even more than other urban
CoCs.
More generally, it is interesting to note that rural, suburban and urban communities allocated low
proportions of their HEAP budgets on rental assistance programs compared to other use
categories (between 8% to 14%). Also notable, rural and suburban communities invested slightly
more in youth-specific programs than urban communities (8%-9% vs 6%).
20
Section 3: Strategies, Regional Coordination, and HEAP
In the previous section, we reviewed the various homeless services and programs that jurisdictions
throughout California have funded and implemented in the past year with HEAP. In this section, we
delve more deeply into the underpinning strategies, and orientations, that guided how communities
directed investments into either new or existing programs. Drawing from a set of in-depth interviews
done with a subsample of local administrators involved in HEAP (n=20) as well as results from an
online survey sent to all communities that received funding (n=40), we elaborate on how
communities prioritized their use of funds given the requirements of the program but also the
contingencies of their local context.
We start by first describing some of the explicit strategic plans to address homelessness—planning
documents that many communities cited and used to orient their HEAP planning. As we describe,
some jurisdictions approached funding decisions about HEAP by leveraging a recently developed
‘strategic plan’ in their community as a blueprint, or framework for guiding discussions about HEAP.
Nonetheless, some jurisdictions found that these plans were somewhat inadequate for HEAP and/or
in need of general revamping. We conclude this section, then, by discussing three overarching
strategies by which communities generally prioritized their HEAP investments, specifically.
General Plans to Address Homelessness
By design, HEAP encouraged jurisdictions to align their HEAP investments with an overarching
community vision, if not a broader strategic plan, to address homelessness in their region. This was
implied in the stated requirement that communities engage in a collaborative community process to
define their goals and local plans for HEAP. Within the context of the various forums, city council
meetings, and workshops that administrators hosted as part of this collaborative community process,
a strategic homeless plan was often either cited or presented as a way to ground discussions about
HEAP (these strategic plans were often cited in agendas, presentations and other documents which
were submitted to HCFC as evidence of the community coordination).
The general plans that communities either cited or submitted in their HEAP36 applications varied in
content and structure, but at a general level most plans shared four basic key components. These
included:
• Defining the scope of need in the community with respect to homelessness (i.e., the local
context of homelessness, the particular groups in the community more at risk of housing
insecurity, etc.)
36 Beyond citing a strategic plan in their supporting documents, a few communities also submitted the strategic plan
document as part of their HEAP application. During our interviews, administrators often referred to these strategic plans
when discussing how their community first approached HEAP. Notably, administrators often emailed the research team
these documents as a way of contextualizing in-depth interviews about HEAP.
21
• Summarizing the existing infrastructure of services in the region and, perhaps more critically,
the “gaps” that persist across the continuum of programs (i.e., the dearth of rapid re-housing
programs, permanent supportive housing, as well as triage shelters and diversion programs).
• Outlining a series of generalized priorities or goals to address homelessness, such as
improving the crisis response, expanding permanent housing options, and increasing
collaborations between multiple sectors and stakeholders.
• Identifying specific subgroups experiencing homelessness in the community that should be
targeted for intervention (i.e., the chronically homeless, older adults, transitional age youth,
families with children).
Because these general plans articulated a community consensus about the needs, resources and
goals to be pursued with respect to addressing homelessness, a number of administrators indicated
that these documents served as frameworks for their preparation of their HEAP application.37 As one
administrator noted about how their community approached the HEAP application: “we didn’t want
to reinvent the wheel since we had this really extensive planning process between 2015 and 2016,
and we kind of already had a good sense of what the needs were.” As more than one administrator
described, their preexisting plans served as a “blueprint” or “roadmap” to guide the community
discussion about the best way to make use of HEAP.
Nonetheless, communities often had to modify and expand, and in some situations completely
revamp, these strategic plans prior to application, given the requirements and unique characteristics
of the initiative.
• First, HEAP required that communities provide evidence38 that they had collaboratively
developed plans for HEAP with a broad group of stakeholders—meaning that administrators
applying for HEAP funds were encouraged to broadly think beyond their immediate
jurisdiction to develop a vision of regional needs. Pragmatically this meant that
administrators often had to reach out to new stakeholders who had not participated in the
development of the original plan, such as service providers from different sectors (e.g.
behavioral health, child welfare, probation) as well as members of the public and local
politicians from surrounding jurisdictions.
37 Given that communities had only a few months to develop their plans, it is not surprising that some administrators and
local stakeholders would leverage some of their past and ongoing collaboration efforts revolving around strategic plans to
frame the particular goals and priorities for HEAP. A number of communities were also already committed to an ongoing
10-year plan to address homelessness, while others were already revamping and developing a new regional plan for the
No Place Like Home initiative that largely aligned with a broader framework for addressing homelessness.
38 While HEAP did not require that communities submit a completed and finalized regional plan, applicants had to provide
documented evidence that they had engaged in a collaborative process of identifying needs and goals for their use of
HEAP funds. Most communities submitted materials which documented community meetings, forums, and workshops that
they had facilitated to discuss and/or develop a regional vision of how to administer HEAP funds (e.g., agendas, forum
registration).
22
• Moreover, administrators also had to take into account that HEAP was designed as a one-
time source of emergency funding to be quickly distributed to communities. So while the
initiative sparked new energy, and conversations in the community about regional
coordination, administrators had to carefully shepherd the community process of defining
goals and priorities for HEAP so that plans realistically aligned with the scope and timetable
of the initiative.
Our conversations with local administrators revealed a high level of variation in approaches to pre-
existing strategic coordination around homelessness, and the specific coordination that they
embarked on for HEAP. One survey item that explicitly asked administrators about their regional
coordination indicated that nearly half (45%) had to substantially modify their strategic plans for
homelessness for HEAP. In contrast, 30% indicated that they had made little to no changes to their
strategic plans. Still, a quarter of communities (24%) reported that HEAP required a “completely
new” regional effort altogether.
Figure 12: LEVEL OF REGIONAL COORDINATION AT THE TIME OF HEAP
When your community was applying for HEAP funding, was your
regionalcoordination/plan…
An existing plan with little to no change 32%
An updated and revised version of an existing plan 45%
Completely new 24%
0% 20% 40% 60%
In sum, while these formalized strategic plans sometimes provided communities a broader
framework to start conversations about HEAP, a number of administrators also found that these
plans were somewhat out of date and not specific enough to guide funding decisions about HEAP.
Consequently, many communities used HEAP, as well as other recent state funding, as an opportunity
significantly modify, and in some cases completely revamp, these strategic plans.
Specific Strategies Regarding How to Prioritize HEAP
The survey sent to administrators included 13 questions that explicitly asked how jurisdictions
strategized their use of HEAP funds (e.g., whether or not priorities aligned with a broader strategic
plan). Derived from our in-depth interviews with 20 jurisdictions, these Likert-style questions asked
23
administrators to what extent they Agreed or Disagreed with specific strategies about HEAP (e.g., Do
you agree that HEAP has allowed your community to pilot programs that are new to your area?).
The results of our exploratory factor analysis39 of these 13 survey items indicate that responses could
be grouped into three generalized orientations, or underlying strategies, in how most communities
approached their HEAP funding decisions.40 These included:
• A strategy to invest in innovative practices and support pilot-efforts to collaborate with
different service sectors.
• A strategy to scale up service capacity and increase the flow of individuals entering and
exiting certain programs.
• A strategy to reassess the broader system of services and address specific deficits, gaps or
bottlenecks in the system.
We elaborate on each of these strategies by comparing both the survey results and the findings from
our interviews. While elements of all three strategies were present in how some communities made
their HEAP plans, the results suggest that most communities aligned with one of three general
strategies.
FIGURE 13: HEAP FUNDING STRATEGIES
39 Exploratory factor analysis is a common statistical technique used in the social sciences to identify implicit patterns in
how respondents answered a series of survey questions; how survey responses across several questions may cluster around
common underlying factor(s) that are otherwise implicit in the data. Exploratory factor analysis was used in this context
because our primary purpose was to identify a set of underlying latent strategies, or orientations, implicit in how
administrators responded to the 13 survey questions related to HEAP priorities and goals. See Appendix B for further
discussion of this analysis.
40 It should be noted that while these strategies represent distinct approaches, they are not mutually exclusive
strategies. Indeed, a number of communities (approximately 15%) pursued a blended approach of all three strategies
simultaneously.
24
Strategy 1—Using HEAP to Develop Innovative Responses to Homelessness
One of the most common strategies expressed by local administrators in the in-depth interviews was
to use HEAP funds to develop new innovative approaches for how their community responds to the
current crisis of homelessness. Accordingly, HEAP is helping fund creative types of services, but also
collaborations that are new to the community, including innovative models of outreach, diversion
programs, and forms of rapid re-housing that combine different service elements.
• Some communities, for example, used HEAP funds to pilot new outreach collaborations with
local hospitals, behavioral health centers, or even law enforcement to staff an embedded
outreach worker to explicitly help individuals experiencing homelessness access housing
services and resources. As one administrator described, “these systems are often not talking
to one another, so people fall through the cracks in our system—so HEAP is helping us
address this by funding programs [that cut] across different systems.”
“These systems are often not talking to one another, so people fall through the cracks
in our system—so HEAP is helping us address this by funding programs [that cut]
across different systems.”
-CoC Adminstrator
The results from our survey confirms that this orientation was a common strategy in many
communities, and a dominant strategy in approximately 56% of jurisdictions. The exploratory
statistical analysis indicated that across the 13 survey items about strategies, four specific questions
elicited responses that were highly correlated with a common underlying orientation toward
investments into innovative and new programs (see Table 1).41
TABLE 1: SURVEY ITEMS ASSOCIATED WITH INNOVATIVE STRATEGIES
To what extent did HEAP allow your community to... Percent Agree
42
Pilot programs that are new to our community. 88%
Collaborate with new partners. 90%
Provide “proof of concept” that these programs work and are needed in our 63%
community.
Invest in programs and services that were otherwise missing in our community 95%
41 Combining the four Likert-Style items into a single construct resulted in a Cronbach’s Alpha of .738, which is generally
associated with a high level of internal consistency. This factor also explained nearly 40% of the variance across all 13 survey
questions. See Appendix B for factor loadings of each item.
42 Combined Agree and Strongly Agree responses.
25
While each of the statements were individually endorsed by most communities, the analysis
revealed that approximately 56% of jurisdictions were distinctive in how they consistently agreed
with all four items collectively.43 That is, the results suggest that a slight majority of communities
were strongly oriented toward this strategy, often above and beyond the other two strategies that
the statistical analysis also indicated as present.
As the statements of these items suggest, this innovative-focused strategy leverages the fact that
HEAP was intentionally flexible and could be combined with other funding sources to pilot new
collaborative efforts, particularly with other “service sectors,” like child welfare, probation, or
healthcare, which are not always integrated with conventional housing funds. As one administrator
discussed, “HEAP is stretching people to think that you don’t just look at one (revenue) bucket.
(Rather, we should ask) let’s see what other resources we have in the community to make these
projects more viable.”
“HEAP is stretching people to think that you don’t just look at one (revenue) bucket.
(Rather, we should ask) let’s see what other resources we have in the community to
make these projects more viable.”
This strategy also oriented some communities to make long term investments into their homeless
service system infrastructure that are otherwise difficult because of prohibitive start-up costs, such
as investing in new emergency shelters and/or increasing the number of emergency beds available.
• This sometimes meant making long-term capital investments to prepare a site for new
development of “permanent supportive housing” in the community, or develop a multi-
functional triage or bridge shelter that can provide individuals access to services and
programs.
• While traditional funding can support these programs, a number of administrators discussed
that the start-up costs, such as preparing a site for development, are often cost-prohibitive
for the year-to-year revenues for their community. “We are a very rural community,”
described one administrator, “So for us, it’s very rare for us to have the resources to make
these types of investments.”
Some communities utilizing this general strategy used combined funding sources to develop a new
program. Some communities utilized HEAP funds to fund one component of a program while using
a current or future source funding for another component of the program.
43 While these questions generally elicited high levels of agreement by most respondents (i.e., most respondents indicated
at least some agreement to one or more of these statements), approximately half of communities indicated marked these
questions with Strongly Agree, while indicating less agreement with other questions.
26
• For example, one community combined Community Development Block Grant funds, HEAP
funds, and California Emergency Solutions Housing (CESH) funds together to develop a
navigation center. One administrator described this process as “Seeing different funding
streams and how they match up together to get something done.”
Strategy 2—Using HEAP to Scale-Up Existing Programs and Services
During our interviews, a number of administrators described an explicit strategy to use HEAP as a
reinvestment into programs and services that already exist in the community. Accordingly, HEAP
was being used in this context less to change a strategic vision of the community, but instead to
invest and increase capacity of the current plan itself. As one administrator discussed, “HEAP gave
us the opportunity to really put our strategic plan into action.”
A number of administrators similarly discussed that their community had been less interested in
investing in new models of programs, as they were in investing in “tried and true” programs. “It’s not
so much that we don’t know what works,” stated one administrator, “It’s just that we don’t have
enough capacity to deal with the number of people who are on the streets today.” Indeed, a number
of administrators discussed that the main goal of HEAP was to help increase the capacity of current
programs and systems that are in place. “I know people are excited about new all-service
shelters...but people are going to need somewhere to go more permanently after they are sheltered.”
Another administrator similarly described that HEAP was being used in their community to “increase
the flow” of individuals passing through emergency programs to eventual housing. As they
described,
It’s not enough to get people in a shelter...and then just have them waiting for a long
time...we need to increase the flow in but also out of these programs.
The follow-up survey sent to local administrators, which asked about their priorities and strategies
for HEAP, further confirm this orientation. Our exploratory statistical analysis indicated that across
the 13 survey items about strategies, three specific questions elicited responses that were highly
correlated with a common underlying orientation toward scaling up capacity (see Table 2). The
responses to the three questions often clustered together as a common factor, which subsequent
analyses confirmed as having a high level of internal consistency as a single construct.44 All three
questions tapped onto a common sentiment of scaling up capacity, increasing current levels of
funding/investment in the infrastructure, as well as increasing flow of the system. Approximately 38%
of communities consistently agreed with these statements collectively.
44 The three Likert-Style items indicated a Cronbach Alpha of .706, which is generally associated with a high level of internal
consistency.
27
TABLE 2: SURVEY ITEMS ASSOCIATED WITH SCALING-UP STRATEGIES
To what extent did HEAP allow your community to... Percent
Agree
Scale up the capacity of our current programs. 92%
Make long term investments in infrastructure that otherwise would not be possible with our 70%
current levels of funding
Increase the flow of individuals using our existing programs 84%
This strategy seems to emphasize the fact that HEAP is a one-time source of funding; quickly scaling
up capacity implies that one can eventually scale down these programs if funding were to stop. This
strategy also emphasized the notion that increasing flow of individuals through the system of services
will ultimately make the system more effective. One administrator highlighted the benefit of
increasing flow, “if you create flow through your shelter, you’ve now doubled or tripled your capacity
without having built more.”
Strategy 3—Using HEAP to Reassess and Revamp the System
The third distinct strategy shared by administrators framed HEAP as an opportunity for their
jurisdiction to reassess its broader system of services and address specific deficits, gaps or
bottlenecks in the system. This meant identifying a specific site or aspect of the system to intervene
and improve, as for example investing in a navigation center because “many individuals fall through
the cracks” or increasing the flow out of shelters by increasing rental subsides. While in some ways
this third strategy was a mixed approach between the first and second strategies, administrators in
these communities were more explicit that their HEAP investments aligned with an existing strategic
plan for their system. As one administrator explained, HEAP was allowing them to “assess what was
working and not in our strategic vision for the system and work to improve it.” One part of this
approach involved leveraging planning efforts funded by the CESH program to identify these gaps
and take advantage of the flexibility associated with HEAP to fund missing programs that might be
hard to fund with other sources. For example, a number of communities noted that specific funding
for outreach and diversion services is often limited. As another administrator discussed, “there’s very
little funding for street outreach...and so we really appreciate the flexibility of HEAP because it helps
us fill the gaps that housing funding can’t do.”
This strategy also involved developing different programs in the community that are already being
implemented in other parts of the state. Indeed, some administrators spoke at length about being
inspired by projects in other communities—like tiny homes, safe parking programs as well as landlord
mitigating services—which they hoped they could bring into their community to address gaps in
services to specific subpopulations or for specific needs.
28
“We really appreciate the flexibility of HEAP because it helps us fill the gaps that
housing funding can’t do.”
– CoC administrator
• “HEAP is allowing us to invest in evidence-based practices that we know are going on in
other communities,” stated one administrator, “But these services have been slow to develop
here, for whatever reason.”
• As another administrator pointedly described, HEAP will help demonstrate “proof-of-
concept” that programs like diversion, or safe parking programing, can work in their
community, “Some of the local stakeholders are skeptical...there is some resistance to these
new service models—we think if we can show them that these programs can work, we will
be able to bring more local funding to these programs in the future.
As with the other strategies, the results from our survey also confirm this last orientation. Our
exploratory statistical analysis indicated that across the 13 survey items about strategies, two specific
questions elicited responses that were highly correlated with a common underlying orientation
toward reassessing and revamping the system (see Table 3). Moreover, the analysis revealed that
approximately 26% of communities were distinctive in how they consistently rated these questions
as “Strongly Agree” across both items.
TABLE 3: SURVEY ITEMS ASSOCIATED WITH REVAMP STRATEGY
To what extent did HEAP allow your community to... Percent
Agree
Review and reassess our ongoing plans and priorities for addressing homelessness. 61%
Develop a new strategic plan to address homelessness in our community. 45%
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Section 4: Lessons Learned and Preliminary Outcomes
In this section, we outline some lessons learned and preliminary community outcomes as reported
by grantees. In interviews and surveys with administrators of HEAP funds, we asked communities to
share their experiences with the planning, award and implementation phase of HEAP.
• Communities discussed the initial distrust of the flexibility of HEAP, noting that the structure
and requirements of HEAP were so different from previous state grants that they did not
always know how to navigate the planning stage of the grant.
• However, many communities felt reassured by the communication and clarifications provided
by HCFC staff, and ultimately came to greatly appreciate the level of flexibility associated with
the grant. Grantees also highlighted the challenges and successes they experienced in the
collaborative planning stages, including the benefits and challenges of new stakeholder
involvement.
• The shelter declaration requirement was a topic of much discussion in interviews, and we
share the insights grantees shared about the drawbacks, and unexpected benefits, of this
requirement.
• We also share interviewees’ discussion about challenges they are facing while implementing
capital investment projects. We end this section by discussing benefits of the administration
of the HEAP funds and grantee beliefs about the impact on people experiencing
homelessness in California in the past year.
Initial Concerns about the Flexibility of HEAP
The HCFC intentionally designed the HEAP application process with an emphasis on expediency and
flexibility. The goal was to provide emergency resources to communities as quickly as possible, but
also to allow grantees the flexibility to deploy funds in ways that best met the unique needs of their
community. While grantees widely appreciated the flexibility and ease of the application, they also
described challenges associated with the short timeline of the process as well as some of vagueness
and of the funding guidelines.
• Grantees who were well-versed in the regulations of federal and state funding for homeless
programs, noted that they were not accustomed to the “far fewer HEAP guidelines.”
• Similarly, some grantees described concern about “too much openness” in how the three
funding categories were defined (i.e., services, capital investment, and rental
assistance/subsidies). Because these funding categories did not neatly align with the
designations used by other funding sources, grantees noted a lack of clarity about what could
or could not be funded. Consequently, some administrators found it initially difficult to “truly
30
trust” the flexibility of the funding, particularly when their communities began making
ambitious plans about where and how to invest HEAP funds.
Some worried that some of the projects being proposed in their community could later turn out to
be ineligible for HEAP, or that rules about HEAP could change retroactively in the future. As one
grantee described, they weren’t sure what they were “buying into” when they submitted the HEAP
application, or “the strings that may become attached to the funding down the road.” Many grantees
interviewed noted that the flexibility, short timeline, and involvement of stakeholders who had not
been previously at the table made the process of receiving the funds somewhat “messy.”
However, despite some initial apprehension and frustration, many communities nonetheless came
to ultimately appreciate the flexibility of HEAP, particularly with respect to supporting programs and
services that other funding sources could not. Indeed, as discussed in the previous section, many
grantees indicated that the flexibility of HEAP allowed them to pursue a more innovative strategy
toward investments. In particular, these flexible funds allowed communities to invest in innovative
efforts to address specific gaps in their systems and underserved subpopulations, as well as
encourage collaboration with providers in other service sectors such as healthcare and behavioral
health. In particular, several smaller CoCs indicated that prior to HEAP, they had not previously
formally partnered with behavioral health.
As one grantee elaborated on the example of outreach services, “there’s not a lot of funding that
allows you to support these types of outreach services. So HEAP allowed us to really ramp up these
services.” Another grantee similarly reflected that despite initial concerns about flexibility, they
“would not have wanted them [the state] to do it differently.”
Moreover, while there was initial confusion by some grantees regarding the vagueness of the funding
categories, most also noted that HCFC provided timely guidance to address these concerns. “The
state [HCFC] early on began a really helpful monthly call-in office hours,” described one
administrator. “During those calls you could hear a lot of questions and apprehension about what
could be funded. But they [HCFC] did a really good job answering all of our questions.”
• Other grantees agreed that HCFC provided strong and continual support to clarify some of
the aforementioned vagueness, which helped them navigate the inherent tensions of
developing a collaborative community plan for HEAP. “If I had a question I felt like I could
just pick up the phone and call [HCFC staff]. They really helped reassure us that we were on
the right path.”
• One community discussed an example of HCFC staff coming to their community and
presenting at the city council about the diverse ways that the HEAP funds could be
administered.
31
The Challenges and Success of Collaborative Planning
As previously discussed, HEAP required that communities engage in a collaborative planning process
to identify and define their plans for HEAP—a process that was described as relatively straightforward
by many of the administrators we interviewed. However, for those grantees without existing
administrative infrastructure, collaborative planning was described as “a big lift.”
For example, one rural CoC indicated that they had little administrative capacity to facilitate
collaborative planning at a regional level; “[we] have zero staff dedicated to anything [specific], so
trying to get buy-in from elected officials on why we should go after [funding] that they care or don’t
care about was a big lift.” At times, smaller CoCs in particular were aware that HEAP was garnering
more attention than previous sources of funding, which one CoC said necessitated “extra
transparency” in the collaborative planning process.
• This was particularly challenging for rural CoCs administering funds across large geographical
jurisdictions that could span across two to four rural counties.
• Larger CoCs also faced challenges engaging in a regional effort at coordination if they didn’t
already have an existing regional plan in place. Said one administrator, “We have an active
group of stakeholders in the CoC from the immediate community, but we weren’t as
connected to folks in outlying parts of the county. So having to go out to those areas and
bring them into the conversation was a challenge.” One urban CoC administrator also
explained that the timeframe for coordination, even with an existing plan in place, was a
“nightmare in itself” due to the multiple approvals needed before moving forward with plans,
due to their complex governing structure.
Many communities discussed seeing increased engagement by stakeholders who had not been
previously involved, or had minimal involvement before the HEAP planning process. Many suggested
that this was because of the new and flexible funding available, which allowed for new collaborations
that may not have been as possible through other funding sources. As one grantee described, “As
soon as there was money, I’ve never seen as many people show up to a CoC meeting.” Other
administrators similarly described seeing new participants engage in their community forums and
CoC meetings about HEAP, such as the District Attorney’s office and law enforcement. Some
communities specifically noted a renewed involvement by Behavioral Health stakeholders. Another
administrator from a large CoC indicated some of these participants were “not necessarily new,” but
it was nonetheless surprising to see their increased level of involvement in the process.
• Many jurisdictions described that new stakeholders who had been uninvolved or on the
periphery of planning efforts in the past were now more active with the CoC due to HEAP.
Indeed, in the follow-up surveys with communities, 88% of respondents agreed with the
statement “different stakeholders are now involved and active in conversations about
homelessness.” Moreover, in our interviews with grantees, new or renewed involvement by
stakeholders was often described positively and as an “opportunity” for more information-
sharing, education, and funding alignment.
32
The increased interest from elected officials, particularly city council members, was also frequently
mentioned by grantees. Indeed, HEAP was explicitly designed to provide cities new sources of
funding to address homelessness, and so this inherently brought in “new players.”
• From one perspective, engaging the city leadership brought in new energy and
determination into the conversation about homelessness. As one administrator explained:
“many people don’t realize that the city doesn’t actually provide that many direct social
services, these resources are really under the domain of the county or the CoC.” Nonetheless,
“city council members often get an earful from constituents in their districts about
homelessness, but they (the city) often has limited tools to proactively address these issues.”
• Accordingly, HEAP represented an opportunity for the cities receiving funding to directly
deploy resources to specific programs and services. Said one grantee from a midsized CoC,
HEAP “brought cities to the table in a way that I have not seen before. There has never been
so much interest by the cities in doing something about homelessness.”
HEAP “brought cities to the table in a way that I have not seen before. There has never
been so much interest by the cities in doing something about homelessness.”
– CoC administrator
From another perspective, however, the engagement with city officials brought some of their
challenges. For one, administrators sometimes discussed that city council members did not always
have a full understanding on the issue of homelessness, or more critically, know much about the
existing infrastructure of services that already exist in the community. Some of these new
stakeholders also ramped up the political nature of the process, particularly with respect to declaring
a shelter crisis (described in the next section).
It should be noted that while many communities described challenges with collaborative planning
and administrative capacity, ultimately many felt that this process was worthwhile. In our follow-up
surveys with communities, 82% of respondents indicated that they believed that their community’s
regional coordination had improved as a consequence of HEAP. Similarly, 78% of respondents
agreed that communication between providers, the CoC, and other stakeholders had also improved
in the past year (see Figure 14).
33
FIGURE 14: OUTCOMES: PERCENT OF COMMUNITIES THAT AGREE WITH HEAP OUTCOMES
Different stakeholders are now involved and active in conversations about homelessness 88%
Our regional coordination has improved in the past year 82%
Communication between providers, the CoC, and other stakeholders has improved 78%
More people experiencing homelessness have been helped this past year 70%
We have been able to address youth homelessness more effectively 63%
The Coordinated Entry System has improved in the past year 58%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
The Challenges Associated with Declaring a Shelter Crisis
Grantees noted that one reason city council members were more involved was due to the
requirement that cities within a CoC declare an emergency shelter crisis in order for HEAP funding
to be used. Some CoCs noted that the shelter crisis declaration process was useful for getting cities
on board, while others felt the investment of time and political capital necessary to involve some
cities was costly without much payoff. One community experienced “a lot of headache for nothing.
At the end of the day, it didn’t increase any community’s commitment in [CoC].” In fact, as shown in
Figure 15, in our follow-up survey 36% of communities indicated that working within their community
to declare a shelter crisis was a great challenge. While some communities experienced these
challenges, many also noted in interviews that HCFC was incredibly helpful in navigating the shelter
crisis declaration process and with clarifying misconceptions. However, some CoCs with small cities
who did not ultimately declare a shelter crisis were still involved in new ways. Some grantees
indicated that the HEAP planning process was an opportunity to educate cities within their CoC about
homelessness, about the CoC, and/or about regional coordination that was occurring. This was seen
by some as valuable beyond the HEAP funding process itself.
34
FIGURE 15: LESSONS LEARNED
Preparing sites/properties for capital investments took longer than expected 75%
Implementing new programs/services took longer than anticipated 69%
NIMBY-ism is a significant barrier to getting projects implemented/operational 69%
Referral sources for new programs/service were
41%
not always fleshed out before implementation
Working to declare a shelter crisis in our
36%
community was a great challenge
0% 20% 40% 60% 80%
About half (41%) of jurisdictions also indicated that referral sources for new programs or beds coming
on line due to HEAP funding were not always worked out between entities prior to implementing a
program, sometimes complicating the implementation process.
The Challenges of Building Something New: Delays in Capital Investments
Administrators also noted challenges related to capital investments (such as building a new shelter).
Some communities described experiences in which sites fell through due to political reasons, such
as stronger neighborhood opposition than anticipated.
• As shown in Figure 15, the majority of communities (75%) who responded to the survey
indicated that preparing sites/properties for capital investments took longer than anticipated.
In contrast, a much smaller proportion of communities (36%) felt that implementing services
or programs took longer than anticipated.
• In 41% of communities, NIMBY-ism (“Not in My Backyard”) served as a major barrier to
getting capital investment projects implemented and/or operational.
• In in-depth interviews, some jurisdictions explained that the higher risk associated with capital
investments created more anxiety, and risk-averse communities sometimes had to pull out
of an existing contract. Other communities had to locate a new site for a shelter because it
took longer to develop a contract.
The Support of HCFC Staff
One of the most common experiences by grantees during the awarding and implementation phase
was a feeling of reassurance provided by HCFC. In particular, grantees noted that the funds were
35
awarded much more quickly than state grants they had received in the past. One grantee noted, “the
way they [HCFC] expedited the whole process, that’s very rare for government entities.” Many
grantees also noted that the up-front funding was very helpful and allowed them to plan according
to their own community’s timeline and schedule.
Preliminary Perspectives on Impact of the Funds
A majority of survey respondents (70%) agreed that more people experiencing homelessness have
been helped this past year than in the year prior.
We hypothesize that affirmative responses to this survey question were in part driven by whether or
not communities had operational rental assistance programs (e.g. flexible housing subsidy funds,
housing vouchers). We found a positive association between those who reported that all of their
rental assistance programs were operational and agreement to this survey item.
A majority of survey respondents (70%) agreed that more people experiencing
homelessness have been helped this past year than in the year prior.
Summary and Conclusion
In this report we have provided a preliminary assessment of the Homeless Emergency Aid Program
(HEAP), which was a response to the severe housing and homelessness crisis facing California. The
initiative allotted within the State’s 2018-19 budget a $500 million, one-time, flexible set of block
grants to help local communities address the substantial rise in homelessness throughout the state.
By February 2019, the Homeless Coordinating and Financing Council (HCFC) had awarded 54 block
grants to 43 Continuums of Care (CoCs) and 11 municipalities throughout the state of California.
Drawing from a of review documents, in-depth interviews with local administrators, as well as analysis
of surveys collected from most grantee communities, this report described the variety of programs
and innovative practices that have been funded by HEAP in the past year across the state. Findings
indicate that most communities are prioritizing HEAP toward an array of direct services that assist
individuals and families to either avoid or recover from homelessness as quickly as possible. Many
jurisdictions report adopting new intervention models and practices, which warrant further
investigation and study. Jurisdictions are also making long term investments in their service systems,
either by developing new infrastructure (such as building new shelter and supportive housing units)
and/or increasing the number of individuals accessing rental subsidies.
36
This formative assessment also explores how these funding decisions may reflect differing
overarching strategies, and priorities, across jurisdictions in terms of their response to homelessness.
Many communities are responding to the current homeless crisis by embracing innovative
collaborations with different service sectors; a variety of services that are used by many people
experiencing homelessness (behavioral health, health, etc.) but that are often siloed and
disconnected. HEAP in this context has meant establishing, or reinforcing, new collaborative models
and communication across service sectors. Communities are also prioritizing the need to scale up
capacity of current programs; the current crisis reflects, in part, a mismatch between the need and
capacity of the existing service system. HEAP in this context has meant reinvesting in models and
programs that can be quickly scaled up and scaled down (if needed), such as rental subsidies and/or
short-term interventions. Some communities are also focusing on specific bottlenecks and
intervention points to improve the effectiveness and capacity of the system. This has meant going
back to a jurisdiction’s original strategic plan and assessing specific areas, and programs, to be
improved.
While these strategies are not mutually exclusive, and indeed some communities are pursuing all
three strategies simultaneously, they likely reflect different contexts and varying levels of
infrastructure that exist across jurisdictions. That is to say, our findings suggest that administrators
managing HEAP face different situations in terms of the local resources they can leverage to address
homelessness, the number of stakeholders involved, and the capacity of the current system. These
differences are likely acute between rural, suburban, and urban communities, which is an issue that
also warrants further study.
Finally, the report also describes some of the early successes as well as some of the unintended
consequences or difficulties that communities have encountered. As we have discussed, some
administrators were initially challenged by the overt flexibility and expediency of the HEAP initiative.
Plans had to be developed, approved, and then implemented in a relatively short amount of time.
Consequently, some investments into new programs, particularly those involving new capital
investments, may have been overly-ambitious in their anticipated timetables. Administrators have
run into challenges associated with zoning requirements, but also the political backlash of building
and/or developing programs addressing homelessness within neighborhoods. Despite these
challenges, jurisdictions report a number of important successes and system improvements. These
include improvement in their respective referral systems (i.e., the Coordinated Entry System),
improved communication between providers and stakeholders, and perhaps more importantly,
increased capacity to address homelessness.
Recommendations
Readers of this report should note that the data and results in this report are not an evaluation of
the effectiveness or impact of HEAP. Rather, they are intended to provide insight that can drive future
decision-making regarding the evaluation of HEAP and the structure of additional funding sources
37
as they become available. With this goal in mind, we offer some recommendations for future
planning and evaluation efforts:
1) For relatively flexible grants such as HEAP, jurisdictions receiving funding should have
time to develop goals that are unique to their community and adequately measure
progress toward those goals. In a funding initiative such as HEAP, in which the goal is to
improve the local response to homelessness, it is clear that some funded programs
emphasize prevention of homelessness, some emphasize safety of individuals currently
experiencing homelessness, while others may emphasize reducing the length of time it
takes to exit homelessness. Given that communities have invested differently into these
programs, it will be difficult to define a single metric of success that captures all of these
related but distinct goals. Thus, any future statewide evaluation of HEAP should take into
account the distinct, and differential, impacts that HEAP funding may have had on local
responses to homelessness. Focusing on a single metric on reducing homelessness—for
example relying solely on future point-in-time counts—would misrepresent the distinct
objectives pursued by communities and potentially miss many important measures of
success across varying contexts and goals.
2) Some communities, particularly those in rural and suburban areas, expressed to us that
allocations of HEAP based on need, and the high level of flexibility, allowed them to
address long-standing gaps in their system’s ability to address homelessness. However,
an uneven level of infrastructure or uneven existing level of collaboration with local
partners meant that some communities struggled to allocate funds in a timely manner.
We recommend additional technical assistance for jurisdictions that start with lower
administrative capacity, and adjustment for the transition time in evaluation of impact for
these communities. While it is important that future funding continue to support direct
services to individuals and families experiencing homelessness today, these communities
are also in need of sustained investment into their service systems.
3) In our conversations with jurisdictions, we learned that many were trying new approaches
that they believed would resolve a gap or improve effectiveness in the way they
addressed homelessness. However, we also learned that these new approaches
sometimes introduced a new level of risk or required more time to develop than
expected. It is very likely that some innovative models will result in better outcomes than
others—though it is unclear how results and impacts can be assessed across these
different contexts. Given this, we offer two recommendations:
a) HCFC should support evaluations at the local level to help identify successful models
and best practices as well as approaches that need reconsideration and redirection.
We recommend that in a sample of jurisdictions engaging in innovative work, HCFC
or other researchers conduct ongoing process evaluations and case studies of
specific models that show promise in terms of having short term and long term
impacts, as well have the potential to be duplicated in other regions of the state.
These local process evaluations could also help identify how administrators and staff
38
can overcome early challenges and navigate sustained successes over time. These
evaluations would also contribute to a wider understanding of the overall impact of
HEAP in these communities.
b) HCFC should support workshops and/or small learning communities to disseminate
innovative uses of state funds and the support of innovative uses of the funds, or
targeted around specific approaches. Such technical assistance may benefit
communities that want to try something new but are struggling to allocate funds for
or implement a new approach.
In closing, communities across California are responding to an unprecedented housing and
homelessness crisis. State initiatives like HEAP are supporting an array of approaches and programs
to improve the local response to homelessness. While it is too early to assess the long-term impacts
of these responses, the findings of this report suggest that more individuals and families experiencing
homelessness are being helped today, systems are becoming more responsive, and a higher level or
collaboration is occurring across service sectors, as a result of HEAP. While HEAP cannot by itself
solve homelessness in the state, initiatives like HEAP can improve how communities respond to the
crisis.
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Appendix A: Survey Instrument & Results
Researchers at California State University, Sacramento have been commissioned by the California
Homeless Coordinating and Financing Council (HCFC) to conduct a preliminary evaluation of the
Homeless Emergency Aid Program (HEAP). This short online survey was created to explore how
communities developed and ultimately administered their plans for HEAP funding. The goal of the
survey is to aggregate responses across grantees and develop a broad, statewide picture of how
communities have generally leveraged HEAP resources to more effectively respond to the crisis of
homelessness.
You have been selected to participate in this online survey because of your role in preparing your
community’s application and administration of HEAP funds. The survey consists of approximately
20 questions and will take 10 to 12 minutes to complete.
1. Which of the below general types of programs has your community allocated to fund with your
HEAP grant this past year? While your programs may be slightly different from those listed, choose
those that are the closest descriptors. You may select more than one per category as needed,
and/or write in “other” program types as needed.
1a. Services
Used HEAP funds for services 92%
Navigation services 56%
Homeless prevention services 54%
Street outreach 51%
Short-term/comprehensive homeless services 38%
Other services 31%
Landlord outreach/mitigation 28%
Safe parking programs 21%
Diversion interventions 21%
Employment training 15%
Funds Allocated
Criminal justice diversion programs 13%
Program staffing 5%
Direct health and hygiene services 5%
Encampment clean up 5%
Hospital discharge services 5%
Case management 3%
Health and safety education 3%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
n = 40
40
1b. Rental Assistance
Used HEAP funds for rental assistance 85%
Rental assistance 67%
Rapid re-housing programs 41%
Motel vouchers 33%
Flexible housing subsidy funds 33%
Short term emergency housing interventions 26%
Eviction prevention strategies 18%
Funds Allocated
Housing vouchers 10%
Host homes 5%
Other rental assistance or subsidies 5%
n = 40 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
1c. Capital Investments
Used HEAP funds for capital investments 87%
Emergency shelter 51%
Bridge/Triage shelter 26%
Permanent supportive housing 26%
Other capital improvements 26%
Funds Allocated
Drop-in centers/day shelters 18%
Amenities/restrooms 15%
Transitional housing 15%
Small/tiny homes 13%
n = 40 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
41
2. In the previous question you indicated the below programs that are currently being funded by
HEAP in your community.
Please indicate the current implementation status of these programs. To what extent are these
programs allocated (i.e. money has been set aside or allotted to a particular provider), or
operational (i.e. currently serving people)?
Because a program type may include multiple programs or providers, please indicate whether
some or all (or none) of the programs are currently allocated or operational.
2a. Services
Used HEAP funds for services 50% 92%
Navigation services 26% 56%
Homeless prevention services 21% 54%
Street outreach 23% 51%
Short-term/comprehensive homeless services 13% 38%
Other services 15% 31%
Landlord outreach/mitigation 23% 28%
Safe parking programs 8% 21%
Diversion interventions 10% 21%
Fully Operational
Employment training 13% 15%
Funds Allocated
Criminal justice diversion programs 5% 13%
Program staffing 5%
Direct health and hygiene services 5%
Encampment clean up 5%
Hospital discharge services 5%
Case management 3%
Health and safety education 3%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
n = 40
42
2b. Rental Assistance
Used HEAP funds for rental assistance 49% 85%
Rental assistance 31% 67%
Rapid re-housing programs 23% 41%
Motel vouchers 15% 33%
Flexible housing subsidy funds 21% 33%
Short term emergency housing interventions 10% 26%
Fully Operational
Eviction prevention strategies 15% 18% Funds Allocated
Housing vouchers 8% 10%
Host homes 5%
Other rental assistance or subsidies 5%
n = 40 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
2c. Capital Investments
Used HEAP funds for capital investments 12% 87%
Emergency shelter 5% 51%
Bridge/Triage shelter 5% 26%
Permanent supportive housing 26%
Other capital improvements 2% 26%
Drop-in centers/day shelters 18% Fully Operational
Amenities/restrooms 5% 15% Funds Allocated
Transitional housing 3% 15%
Small/tiny homes 3% 13%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
n = 40
43
3. You indicated that you allocated funds to other programs not listed in the previous question.
Please tell us more about these programs and their current status (i.e. planning phase, allocated
funds, or operational).
______________________________________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________________________________
4. Below are a number of statements describing how different communities have strategized their
use of HEAP funds in the past year (2019). Some of the comments may accurately describe a
strategy or perspective used by your community, while others may be less applicable.
To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements about how your
community prioritized the use of HEAP funds?
Neither
Prefer
Strongly Somewhat agree Somewhat Strongly
not to
Disagree disagree nor agree agree
answer45
HEAP allowed us to… disagree
4a. Invest in programs and services that were
otherwise missing in our community 0% 2.5% 2.5% 20.0% 72.5% 2.5%
4b. Start on a new direction and vision for
what our community can look like 2.5% 7.5% 15.0% 40.0% 25.0% 10.0%
4c. Make long term investments in
infrastructure that otherwise would not be
possible with our current levels of funding 10.0% 5.0% 12.5% 17.5% 47.5% 7.5%
4d. Invest more into previous programs we
know work in our community 0 % 5.0% 5.0% 32.5% 55.0% 2.5%
4e. Keep an existing program running that
would have otherwise closed or been scaled
down 20.0% 2.5% 27.5% 17.5% 25.0% 7.5%
4f. Increase the flow of individuals using our
existing programs 0% 2.5% 12.5% 42.5% 37.5% 5.0%
4g. Improve our prevention and diversion
efforts so that fewer people are in the system 10.0% 7.5% 15.5% 25.0% 37.5% 5.0%
4h. Scale up the capacity of our current
programs
2.5% 2.5% 2.5% 47.5% 40.0% 5.0%
n = 40
45 The analysis presented in this report excluded missing values and when respondents selected “prefer not to answer”
therefore, the percentages shown here will differ slightly from the ones found in the report.
44
5. Below are a number of statements describing how different communities have strategized their
use of HEAP funds in the past year (2019). Some of the comments may accurately describe a
strategy or perspective used by your community, while others may be less applicable.
To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements about how your
community prioritized the use of HEAP funds?
Neither
Prefer
Strongly Somewhat agree Somewhat Strongly
not to
Disagree disagree nor agree agree
answer
HEAP was an opportunity to… disagree
5a. Pilot programs that are new to our
community
0% 0% 12.5% 37.5% 50.0% 0%
5b. Collaborate with new partners
0% 0% 10.0% 42.5% 45.0% 2.5%
5c. Provide “proof of concept” that these
programs work and are needed in our
community 0% 2.5% 32.5% 25.0% 35.0% 5.0%
5d. Review and reassess our ongoing plans
and priorities for addressing homelessness 0% 5.0% 32.5% 32.5% 25.0% 5.0%
5e. Develop a new strategic plan to address
homelessness in our community 17.5% 2.5% 32.5% 25.0% 17.5% 5.0%
5f. "Fill in the gaps” that we have identified
in our existing strategic plans 0% 0% 12.5% 35.0% 47.5% 5.0%
n = 40
45
6. In this last section, we provide a series of statements that describe lessons learned and/or
challenges that your community may have experienced during the implementation of HEAP. We
also ask you to consider some of the system processes and outcomes in your community that may
have resulted because of HEAP.
Neither
Prefer
Strongly Somewhat agree Somewhat Strongly
not to
Lessons learned in your community with Disagree disagree nor agree agree
answer
respect to HEAP disagree
6a. Working to declare a shelter crisis in our
community was a great challenge 22.5% 10.0% 25.0% 17.5% 15.0% 10.0%
6b. Implementing new programs/services
took longer than anticipated 2.5% 12.5% 15.0% 40.0% 27.5% 2.5%
6c. Preparing sites/properties for capital
investments took longer than expected 0% 2.5% 22.5% 37.5% 37.5% 0%
6d. Referral sources for new
programs/service were not always fleshed
out before implementation 5.0% 20.0% 32.5% 25.0% 15.0% 2.5%
6e. NIMBY-ism is a significant barrier to
getting projects implemented/operational 2.5% 7.5% 20.0% 30.0% 37.5% 2.5%
n = 40
7. To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements regarding system
outcomes associated with HEAP.
Neither
Prefer
Strongly Somewhat agree Somewhat Strongly
not to
Disagree disagree nor agree agree
answer
Systems outcomes associated with HEAP disagree
7a. Communication between providers, the
CoC, and other stakeholders has improved 2.5% 5.0% 15.0% 50.0% 27.5% 0%
7b. Different stakeholders are now involved
and active in conversations about
homelessness 0% 2.5% 10.0% 57.5% 30.0% 0%
7c. The Coordinated Entry System has
improved in the past year 7.5% 2.5% 32.5% 37.5% 20.0% 0%
7d. Our regional coordination has improved in
the past year 0% 5.0% 12.5% 52.5% 27.5% 2.5%
7e. Our community has been able to address
youth homelessness more effectively in the
past year 2.5% 10.0% 25.0% 42.5% 20.0% 0%
7f. More people experiencing homelessness
have been helped this past year than in the
year prior 0% 0% 27.5% 32.5% 32.5% 7.5%
n = 40
46
8. When your community was applying for HEAP funding,
was your regional coordination/plan...
Completely new 22.5%
An updated and revised version of an existing plan 42.5%
An existing plan with little to no change 30.0%
Prefer not to answer 5.0%
n = 40
9. Have you had any challenges to active regional
coordination/planning?
Yes 47.5%
No 35.0%
Prefer not to answer 17.5%
n = 40
10. In a few sentences, please describe some of the challenges your community has experienced
with regional coordination/planning.
If possible, please describe what type of technical assistance or support may be helpful for your
community.
______________________________________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________________________________
47
Appendix B: Methodology and Factor Analysis
Section 3 of this report summarizes the results of an exploratory factor analysis of our 13 survey
items, which asked respondents to what extent they agree or disagree with a series of statements
about how their community prioritized their HEAP funding. Exploratory factor analysis is a common
statistical technique used in the social sciences to identify implicit patterns in how respondents
answered a series of survey questions; how survey responses across several questions may cluster
around common underlying factor(s) that are otherwise implicit in the data. More specifically, the
analysis examines the covariation across similar survey items to indicate evidence of unobservable
constructs, or latent factors, that may be influencing survey responses. This method is often used in
fields like psychology where researchers often attempt to indirectly assess a latent construct like
depression, intelligence, or attitudes more generally, through a set of related survey questions that
have been validated with factor analysis. One goal of exploratory factor analysis is to identify the
number and composition of underlying latent factors that may be structuring a set of recently
developed survey questions; that is, to identify the number of implicit constructs that may underpin
a set of survey items as well as indicate the specifics items that load to these constructs. Exploratory
factor analysis was used in this context because our primary purpose was to identify a set of
underlying latent strategies, or orientations, implicit in how administrators responded to the 13 survey
question related to HEAP priorities and goals.
Although the sample size was relatively small, an initial analysis of the 13 survey items indicated that
data had a reasonable level of factorability. A correlation matrix of all 13 items revealed moderate
levels of correlation across many items, and every item correlated at least .3 with one or more items.
Moreover, the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure of sampling adequacy was .544, still above the
commonly recommended value of .5 even with a relatively small sample size. The Bartlett’s test of
sphericity was also significant (χ2 (91) = 172.353, p < .001).
The exploratory factor analysis of the 13 Likert-scale items used a principal-axis factor extraction
method, which indicated three to four possible factors. Initial eigenvalues indicated that the first
three factors explained 39%, 26%, and 19% of the variance respectively. The remaining fourth factor
explained less than 7% of the variance and was excluded given the low eigenvalue (below one), as
well as the fact that a scree plot of these values showed a clear leveling after the third factor. To
refine the interpretation of the three factors, a Varimax orthogonal rotation was used. This rotation
had sums of squared loadings ranging from 2.79 to 3.45, and the grouping of items was similar to
that of the cluster analysis. Below are the final nine items that aligned with the three strategies
discussed in the report (ultimately named investing in innovation, scaling up capacity, and
reassessing and revamping the system). Each item is presented with its corresponding level of
agreement (the average percent score of the five-point scale) as well as its relative factor loading.
The internal reliability of each construct (Conbrach’s Alpha) are also presented in the last column.
48
TABLE 4: SUMMARY STATISTICS OF EXPLORATORY ANALYSIS
To what extent did HEAP allow your community to... Level of Factor Cronbach’s
Agreement Loading 47 Alpha
46
Investing in Innovation 84% .738
Pilot programs that are new to our community. 84% .877
Collaborate with new partners. 84% .706
Provide “proof of concept” that programs work & are needed in community. 74% .485
Invest in programs & services that were otherwise missing in our community. 92% .664
Scaling up Capacity 79% .706
Scale up the capacity of our current programs. 82% .729
Increase the flow of individuals using our existing programs. 80% .618
Make long term investments in infrastructure that otherwise not possible. 74% .647
Reassessing the System 65% .638
Review & reassess our ongoing plans and priorities for addressing 70% .858
homelessness.
Develop a new strategic plan to address homelessness in our community. 56% .772
46 Level of agreement in Table 1, and in subsequent tables, refers to the average that all respondents rated each item on a
five-point Likert-scale (where 0=Strongly Disagree and 4=Strongly Agree). To ease interpretation, we converted the
average of each item into a percentage score (as for example, converting the first item’s average of 3.38 into 84%) by using
Cohen’s “proportion of maximum possible” method (i.e., which takes into account the scale’s range of lowest and highest
scores possible).
47 Factor loading refers to the relationship of each item to a common underlying, latent, factor. Coefficients of .4 and
greater indicate evidence that the item is correlated with a common factor. The factor loadings suggest that these items
tap into similar orientations or general strategies. Given the strong relationship of the first two items, and the general
relationships of the latter, we interpreted this first orientation as associated with piloting innovations in the community.
49
Appendix C: Glossary
Rental assistance or subsidies
Rapid re-housing programs:
Rapid re-housing programs are geared to moving individuals and families from a state of
homelessness into permanent housing by providing short-term rental assistance and services with
the intent of reducing the amount of time spent experiencing homelessness. Rapid re-housing
models were implemented across the country through the Homelessness Prevention and Rapid Re-
housing Program (HPRP), included as part of the American Reinvestment and Recovery Act (ARRA)
of 2009. Core program components include: housing identification, rent and move-in assistance, and
rapid re-housing case management and services intended to resolve immediate crisis situations.
These services are offered without preconditions (ex: income, sobriety, employment) and tailored to
unique household needs.
Rental Assistance:
Short term rental assistance constitutes financial assistance to cover move-in costs, deposits, and the
rental and or/utility assistance necessary to allow individuals to move immediately out of
homelessness and stabilize in permanent housing. Long term rental assistance may come through a
Housing Choice voucher.
Flexible Housing Subsidy Funds:
Flexible housing subsidy funds for local programs establish or support the provision of rental
subsidies in permanent housing to assist individuals and families. Funds have been seen to be used
for rental assistance, bridge subsidies to property owners waiting for approval from another
permanent rental subsidy source, vacancy payments, and/or or project-based rent or operative
reserves.
Some counties (Santa Barbara and LA) use similar terms such as flexible housing subsidy pool or
program. Upon availability of rental subsidies, flexible housing subsidy funds are available for
providers to assist clients with other move-in costs and intensive case manager services, often using
a “whatever it takes approach” to aid clients in securing housing. Clients eligible for these funds are
usually targeted or high need.
Some communities also use the term “flexible housing pool” to describe ongoing or longer-term
subsidy supports.
50
Short Term Emergency Housing Interventions:
Emergency housing interventions include, but are not limited to:
• Navigation centers that provide room and board and case managers that connect
people to services.
• Street outreach services to connected unsheltered people to temporary or
permanent housing.
• Shelter diversions, including, but not limited to, homelessness prevention activities
and other service integration activities to connect people to housing arrangements,
services, and financial assistance.
Housing vouchers:
The Housing Choice Voucher Program (formerly known as Section 8) provides assistance to very
low-income individuals and families, the elderly and the disabled to enable them to afford decent
safe, and sanitary housing in the private rental housing market. They are administered by public
housing agencies.
Motel Vouchers:
Programs that provide homeless people with a temporary place to stay (usually one to three nights),
generally utilizing a hotel or motel with which the referring agency has a prior agreement, but in
some cases, temporary lodging selected by the individual. Also included are programs that provide
vouchers for use in one or more of the community's homeless shelters.
Eviction prevention strategies:
A range of strategies that help tenants remain housed. Examples of strategies may be
communication/mediation, rent repayment strategies, financial assistance, training and education
(such as helping tenants understand the eviction process and their rights), debt advice, legal
assistance, and intensive case management.
51
Services
Street outreach:
The process of identifying and engaging people living in unsheltered locations, such as in cars, parks,
abandoned buildings, encampments, and on the streets. It is a critical in reaching people who may
not otherwise seek assistance or come to the attention of a homelessness service system. Outreach
workers identify locations where people experiencing homelessness would naturally congregate.
Ideally, street outreach would be systematic, coordinated, and comprehensive; housing focused;
person-centered, trauma-informed, and culturally responsive; and emphasize safety and harm
reduction.
Navigation services:
Housing navigation services focus on assisting individuals and families to finding and securing a
permanent home by identifying barriers, assisting with the application process in the private market,
guiding clients with subsidized housing applications and opportunities, or making connections to
transitional housing programs if needed.
Hospital discharge services:
At federal level, HUD encourages hospitals to understand their local homelessness assistance system
and establish protocols for linking patients to systems of coordinated entry. In California, licensing
provisions at Health & Safety Code section 1262.5 were amended on September 30, 2018, requiring
hospitals to adopt certain discharge planning procedures and activities for homeless patients and
improving planning for post-discharge care. An example of hospital discharge services is one
employed the Glendale CoC wherein a discharge worker locates housing and links patients to
services, such as mental health services, with the goal of housing stabilization and decreasing reentry
into the hospital system.
Health and safety education:
Depending on the program focus, health and safety education towards homeless individuals can
provide information about health conditions and wellness practices, but most importantly increase
knowledge and access of services available throughout the existing health care system. In a drop in
center or day shelter, health and safety education may take the form of groups focusing on drug
and alcohol use, violence prevention, pregnancy prevention, and HIV/AIDs prevention. Street
outreach health and safety education may focus more on screening for health conditions, harm
reduction, and increasing access to medical services.
52
Criminal justice diversion programs:
Programs that use strategies to divert people from formal processing and/or incarceration in the
justice system. Since programs are usually designed to fit the needs of a community, a wide variation
of programming exists from warn-and-release programs to intensive treatment services and check-
ins with the court system.
Homeless prevention services:
Programs that target people at imminent risk of homelessness and intervene to help people remain
housed. They may come in the form of rental housing subsidies, short-term financial assistance,
landlord mediations, assistance in qualifying for mainstream benefits, or other problem-solving
solutions.
Landlord outreach/mitigation:
Landlord engagement create and maintain important partnerships that can help people quickly exit
homelessness. Strategies may include landlord recruitment, lease negotiations, housing search and
inspections, having risk mitigation funds in place for what landlords consider as ‘high risk’ renters,
mediators for landlord/tenant concerns and conflicts, landlord and tenant education on rights,
responsibilities, fair housing, and financial management.
Employment training:
These program address barriers in order to create economic opportunities for homeless job seekers.
Community-based and government organizations may partner with employers to hire and training
people living in shelters or temporary public housing situations to provide job training opportunities.
Some employment training programs may also pair professional skills training with life skills
development training. Other potential barriers these programs may also address can include: missing
or incomplete identification; lack of transportation, work appropriate clothing, or a working
telephone number; and addressing multiple and possibly conflicting appointments with case
managers, landlords, medical professionals, or requirements to check in with shelters or housing
providers at certain times of the day.
Diversion interventions:
Strategies that help homeless individuals identify immediate alternate housing arrangements and, if
necessary, connect individuals to services that financial assistance to help them return to permanent
53
housing. Diversion targets people as they are applying for entry into shelter or other “front
door”/system entry points.
Safe Parking programs:
Safe parking programs provide safe places to park at night for homeless individuals living in their
vehicles. Safe parking lots often have onsite monitoring or security, restroom access, and social
service resources. They address fears of getting a ticket, getting towed, or being a victim of a crime.
Program requirements may include proof of a valid driver’s license, vehicle registration, and
insurance.
Encampment clean up:
Encampment clean up provides biohazard and trash clean up in homeless encampments. It may also
include components of street outreach to provide access to homeless services or dismantling tents
within homeless encampments, depending on existing local codes (such as camping prohibition
codes or property zoning codes) or permits (such as temporary/permanent encampment permits).
It may involve the coordination of multiple agencies such as public health, law enforcement, and
social services.
Capital improvements
Emergency shelter:
HUD defines emergency shelters as any facility with the primary purpose of providing temporary
shelter for the homeless in general or for specific populations of the homeless and which does not
require occupants to sign leases or occupancy agreements. Emergency shelters may be funded
under Emergency Solutions Grants.
Bridge/Triage shelter:
Several models exist for bridge/triage shelters.
Bridge shelters may function as a transitional housing for people who have been recently discharged
from institutions. In San Diego, bridge shelters provide low barrier entry, housing navigators and
other services, and oversight. In Sacramento, a triage shelter is a low barrier shelter that provides
wraparound services for homeless individuals. The VA defines bridge housing as transitional housing
used as a short-term stay when a Veteran has been offered and accepted as permanent housing
intervention but is not able to immediately enter permanent housing. Stabilization and connection
to services and housing appear to be common goals in bridge/triage shelter models.
54
Drop-in centers/day shelters:
Drop-in centers/day shelters provide basic necessities such as food, clothing, personal care items,
lockers, access to phones, computers, and email. There may be communal areas, showers, washer
and dryer facilities on site. They may either offer services or link individuals to services that offer
housing referrals, mental health services, employment training, education support, counseling, health
education, parenting workshops, independent living skills workshops, computer training, and others.
Transitional housing:
Transitional housing providers a supportive, yet temporary, type of accommodation to bridge the
gap from homeless to permanent housing by providing structure, supervision, support, life skills, and
sometimes education and training. It’s an intermediate step between an emergency crisis shelter and
permanent housing and may be more long-term and service intensive.
Permanent supportive housing:
Permanent Supportive Housing is a model that combines low-barrier affordable housing, health care,
and supportive services to help individuals and families lead more stable lives.
Small/tiny homes:
The official International Code Council (ICC) definition adopted in August 2017 for a tiny house is a
dwelling that is 400 square feet or less in floor area, excluding lofts. The construction code is available
in is available in the 2018 International Residential Code Appendix Q Tiny Houses. It is up to each
municipality and state to adopt appendix Q as a model code.
Amenities/restrooms:
Shelters, drop in centers, or safe parking lots provide amenities such as on-site restrooms and shower
facilities, warming/cooling centers, or washer/dryer facilities. Mobile restrooms, showers, or washer
and dryers are also an alternative to provide homeless individuals necessary hygiene amenities.
55
Appendix D: Allocations Based on Jurisdiction
Applications
Allocation
Applicant Capital % Services % Rents % Youth % Admin % Other %
Amount
Alameda CoC $16,192,049 8% 74% 9% 5% 5% 0%
Alpine, Inyo, Mono Counties $590,112 36% 13% 42% 5% 5% 0%
Bakersfield/Kern CoC $2,603,226 48% 20% 22% 5% 5% 0%
Chico, Paradise/Butte County - CoC $4,889,945 33% 40% 15% 8% 4% 0%
City and County of SF - COC $17,107,315 24% 65% 4% 5% 2% 0%
City and County of SF - LC $10,564,313 0% 0% 92% 5% 3% 0%
City of Anaheim $3,690,886 41% 54% 0% 5% 0% 0%
City of Bakersfield $1,247,754 90% 0% 0% 5% 5% 0%
City of Fresno $3,105,520 0% 44% 29% 5% 5% 17%
City of Glendale CoC $625,114 0% 51% 39% 5% 5% 0%
City of Long Beach $2,869,833 64% 18% 7% 5% 5% 0%
City of Long Beach - CoC $9,387,420 85% 1% 4% 5% 5% 0%
City of Los Angeles $85,013,607 59% 31% 0% 5% 5% 0%
City of Oakland $8,671,117 12% 76% 3% 5% 5% 0%
City of Sacramento $5,645,700 79% 11% 0% 6% 5% 0%
City of San Diego $14,110,398 14% 32% 32% 5% 0% 17%
City of San Jose $11,389,987 22% 34% 35% 9% 0% 0%
City of Santa Ana $3,690,886 90% 0% 0% 5% 5% 0%
Colusa, Glenn, Trinity Counties - CoC $631,071 60% 15% 15% 5% 5% 0%
Contra Costa County CoC $7,196,771 62% 19% 0% 14% 5% 0%
Davis, Woodland/Yolo CoC $1,341,828 51% 20% 19% 5% 5% 0%
El Dorado County CoC $1,448,324 59% 0% 6% 22% 5% 7%
Fresno City and County/Madera County-CoC $9,501,363 0% 74% 10% 5% 5% 5%
Humboldt County - CoC $2,565,245 32% 29% 29% 5% 5% 0%
Imperial County - CoC $4,859,411 62% 14% 12% 5% 5% 2%
Kings/Tulare CoC $2,635,249 46% 38% 5% 5% 5% 0%
Lake CoC $1,298,634 0% 90% 0% 5% 5% 0%
Los Angeles City & County - CoC $81,099,808 6% 68% 13% 5% 5% 2%
Marin CoC $4,831,856 89% 6% 0% 5% 0% 0%
Mendocino $4,921,968 91% 0% 0% 5% 3% 0%
Merced City & County $1,338,105 30% 56% 0% 9% 5% 0%
Napa CoC $1,234,588 81% 0% 9% 5% 5% 0%
Oxnard CoC $4,857,922 0% 69% 10% 16% 5% 0%
56
Allocation
Applicant Capital % Services % Rents % Youth % Admin % Other %
Amount
Pasadena CoC $1,428,216 10% 75% 0% 5% 5% 5%
Redding/Shasta CoC $2,695,572 66% 2% 19% 8% 5% 0%
Riverside CoC $9,791,805 44% 29% 17% 5% 5% 0%
Roseville, Rocklin/Placer, Nevada Counties CoC $2,729,084 43% 0% 45% 7% 5% 0%
Sacramento City & County - CoC $12,729,412 0% 29% 62% 5% 4% 0%
Salinas/Monterey CoC $12,505,250 65% 10% 10% 10% 5% 0%
San Bernardino CoC $9,389,654 2% 38% 43% 11% 5% 0%
San Diego - CoC $18,821,668 5% 40% 30% 5% 5% 15%
San Luis Obispo CoC $4,837,814 84% 6% 0% 5% 5% 0%
San Mateo CoC $4,933,139 24% 61% 5% 5% 5% 0%
Santa Ana, Anaheim/Orange County - CoC $15,568,716 81% 9% 3% 5% 3% 0%
Santa Clara CoC $17,506,487 17% 71% 0% 11% 0% 0%
Santa Maria/ Santa Barbara County CoC $9,385,186 47% 35% 4% 10% 5% 0%
Sonoma CoC $12,111,292 56% 22% 4% 13% 5% 0%
Stanislaus CoC $7,236,986 69% 12% 0% 14% 5% 0%
Stockton/San Joaquin $7,148,364 85% 0% 0% 10% 5% 0%
Tehama County - CoC $592,346 90% 0% 0% 5% 5% 0%
Tuolumne, Amador, Calaveras, Mariposa CoC $1,273,314 79% 5% 0% 11% 5% 0%
Vallejo/Solano CoC $4,917,500 61% 20% 0% 14% 5% 0%
Watsonville/Santa Cruz City and County CoC $9,674,883 25% 52% 4% 13% 5% 1%
Yuba City & County/Sutter County $2,565,990 90% 0% 0% 5% 5% 0%
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