CSA
Recommendations
Read the report at California State Auditor ↗
Law Enforcement Departments
Have Not Adequately Guarded
Against Biased Conduct
April 2022
REPORT 2021‑105
CALIFORNIA STATE AUDITOR
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Michael S. Tilden Acting State Auditor
April 26, 2022
2021-105
The Governor of California
President pro Tempore of the Senate
Speaker of the Assembly
State Capitol
Sacramento, California 95814
Dear Governor and Legislative Leaders:
Our audit of five law enforcement departments throughout the State uncovered the actions of some
officers at each department who engaged in biased conduct, either during their on-duty interactions
with individuals or online through their social media posts. Although we did not find officers who
were members of hate groups, some officers made statements indicating that they support problematic
groups. We have included in this report some disturbing content (with some redactions) because we
believe that it is important to accurately reflect the nature of the conduct that we observed.
We depend on law enforcement departments and the peace officers they employ to ensure that they
exercise their unique authority without regard for individuals’ identity characteristics, such as race,
national origin, or mental or physical disability. What we found is that these five departments have not
adequately guarded against biased conduct among their officers:
• They have not used sufficient strategies to achieve representative diversity in hiring.
• They have not implemented robust community engagement strategies or employee training practices.
• They have not established sufficient, proactive processes to identify possibly biased behavior.
• They have not consistently conducted adequate investigations of alleged biased behavior.
Departments’ internal investigations often considered only the most blatant forms of bias. In one such
case, a member of the public filed a complaint about an officer’s social media posts. Although the
officer’s posts endorsed potentially harmful stereotypes about Black parents and Syrian refugees,
the department’s investigation concluded that it was “unable to find any racially derogatory remarks”
and that the allegation of prejudice was “clearly false.”
This report makes specific recommendations about steps each department can take to better ensure
that Californians receive fair and impartial policing services. We also make several recommendations
to the Legislature to better align expectations in state law with best practices for addressing bias in
policing, such as by adopting a uniform definition of biased conduct, requiring more frequent and
thorough training, and increasing independent oversight.
Respectfully submitted,
MICHAEL S. TILDEN, CPA
Acting California State Auditor
621 Capitol Mall, Suite 1200 | Sacramento, CA 95814 | 916.445.0255 | 916.327.0019 fax | www.auditor.ca.gov
iv California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
Selected Abbreviations Used in This Report
CDCR California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation
CPOST Commission on Correctional Peace Officer Standards and Training
DOJ California Department of Justice
IACP International Association of Chiefs of Police
NACOLE National Association for Civilian Oversight of Law Enforcement
POST Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training
RIPA Racial and Identity Profiling Advisory Board
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 v
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Contents
Summary 1
Recommendations 5
Introduction 13
Chapter 1
Some Officers at Five Law Enforcement Departments Displayed Bias 19
Chapter 2
Key Best Practices Could Strengthen the Five Law Enforcement
Departments’ Hiring Processes 31
Chapter 3
The Five Law Enforcement Departments Have Not Implemented
Key Best Practices for Mitigating the Effects of Officer Biases 45
Chapter 4
The Local Law Enforcement Departments Did Not Adequately
Investigate and Address Possibly Biased Conduct 61
Chapter 5
Ensuring Broader Use of Practices That Address Bias Will
Require State‑Level Intervention 83
Appendix
Scope and Methodology 93
Responses to the Audit
California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation 97
Los Angeles Sheriff's Department 99
California State Auditor’s Comments on the Response
From the Los Angeles Sheriff's Department 105
San José Police Department 107
California State Auditor’s Comments on the Response
From the San José Police Department 115
Stockton Police Department 117
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Summary
Results in Brief Audit Highlights . . .
Law enforcement departments play an important role by providing We conducted an audit of five law
public safety for all members of their communities. To fulfill that enforcement departments throughout the
responsibility, peace officers (officers) must work in inherently State—the Los Angeles Sheriff; the police
challenging and dangerous environments, and must sometimes departments of San Bernardino, San José,
make quick decisions about how to uphold public safety. The public and Stockton; and CDCR—to assess their
has entrusted law enforcement departments and their officers efforts to guard against officers’ biased
with significant, unique authority, including the right to detain, conduct, and we found the following:
arrest, and use force against individuals within the community.
» Some officers at each department had
Officers should exercise that authority with fairness, impartiality,
engaged in biased conduct.
and professionalism. In particular, their conduct should not be
• Some misconduct occurred during
improperly influenced by an individual’s identity characteristics,
on‑duty interactions, and we
including their race, ethnicity, gender, religion, or sexual orientation.
identified 17 officers who promoted
biased content on social media.
Because bias can take the form of preconceived judgments,
opinions, or attitudes about people based on their actual or • We did not definitively identify any
perceived identity characteristics, it can interfere with officers’ officers as members of hate groups.
abilities to treat members of the public with fairness, impartiality,
» None of the departments had fully
and respect. Some people possess explicit biases, which are
implemented best practices to mitigate
conscious and deliberate. Indications of explicit bias include
the effects of officer bias.
using racial or ethnic slurs toward individuals and the intentional
promotion of stereotypes. Another form of bias, which all people • Each of the departments had struggled
possess, is implicit. Implicit biases are unconscious associations to ensure that its officers fully reflect
or perceptions about groups of people. Research has shown that the diversity of the community.
implicit biases can cause officers to perceive certain groups of
• Each department’s training about bias
people as more threatening than others. Further, implicit biases can could be more frequent and include
cause even well-intentioned people who outwardly reject prejudice additional content.
and stereotypes to treat people differently and unfairly based on
• The local departments could do more
their identity characteristics.
to build and strengthen relationships
with their communities.
Law enforcement departments should be vigilant and proactive
in identifying and addressing explicit and implicit biases in • None had established adequate
systems for proactively identifying
officers because of the harm that both can cause. However,
and correcting problematic officer
we identified some officers at each of the five law enforcement
performance trends.
departments we reviewed—the California Department of
Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR), the Los Angeles County
» The local departments did not
Sheriff’s Department (Los Angeles Sheriff), the San Bernardino consistently or adequately investigate
Police Department (San Bernardino Police), the San José Police their officers’ possibly biased conduct.
Department (San José Police), and the Stockton Police Department
• Many investigations were narrowly
(Stockton Police)—who had engaged in biased conduct. We
focused on blatant signs of bias, relied
reviewed a selection of five internal investigations at each
heavily on officers’ denials, or did
department, and in some of those cases, officers’ conduct showed
not account for how officers’ conduct
signs of possible bias. We also selected 750 officers from across the
reasonably appeared.
five departments and determined whether they had identifiable
public social media accounts. Of the about 450 officers who
had public social media accounts, 17 officers had posted biased continued on next page . . .
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• Each department needs a better statements or content. The posts we identified either promoted
framework for consistently identifying, negative stereotypes or contained deliberately hateful and
investigating, and tracking incidents derogatory speech directed at groups of people.
of bias.
We also reviewed selected internal investigations and public
» State‑level intervention would help
social media accounts to determine whether any officers were
ensure broader use of practices that
members of hate groups. The Federal Bureau of Investigation
address bias.
defines a hate group as “an organization whose primary purpose
• Local departments have not is to promote animosity, hostility, and malice against persons of
proactively adopted best practices or with a race, religion, disability, sexual orientation, ethnicity,
to address the threat that bias poses to gender, or gender identity which differs from that of the members
fair and impartial law enforcement. or the organization.” There were limitations on our ability to assess
whether officers were members of hate groups, including that our
• External reviews and oversight
statutory access is generally limited to the records held by public
would be effective measures for
entities and that there were privacy settings on some officers’ social
increasing departments’ adoption
media accounts. Although we did not identify evidence that any
of best practices.
officers were members of hate groups, six officers posted content
suggesting that they support groups with problematic principles or
activities. For example, one officer posted a statement defending the
Proud Boys—a group that has expressed hostility toward women
and Muslim individuals—by saying that people who are against the
Proud Boys are “in reality just against masculinity.”
The biased conduct that we identified at the five law enforcement
departments likely occurred in part because the departments have
not fully implemented comprehensive strategies for addressing bias
within their organizations. Several law enforcement authorities—
including the U.S. Department of Justice and the California
Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST)—
have published guidance and best practices for creating bias-free
policing cultures. These best practices highlight the importance
of establishing a formal commitment to preventing bias from
interfering with the impartial delivery of law enforcement services.
They also stress honoring that commitment by incorporating
strategies for addressing bias into key processes, including
recruitment, hiring, training, community engagement, and
misconduct investigations. Although generally directed at local
law enforcement departments, many of these best practices are
relevant and critical to addressing bias in correctional facilities
as well. However, neither CDCR nor the local law enforcement
departments that we reviewed have fully adopted best practices
in these key areas.
Further, we found that each of the local departments had not
appropriately addressed indications of bias when they occurred.
When we reviewed internal investigations at the four local law
enforcement departments, we found significant weaknesses in their
approaches to investigating whether bias had influenced officers’
actions. Departments often limited investigations to examining
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whether officers had engaged in only the most blatant forms of bias,
such as uttering racial slurs. For example, a member of the public
submitted to one department a complaint that an officer had made
prejudicial statements after the officer posted statements on social
media that promoted a negative stereotype about Black parents
and reposted an article that implied that all Syrian refugees were
terrorists. In its investigation of the complaint, the department did
not analyze the officer’s use of stereotypes; instead, it concluded
that it was “unable to find any racially derogatory remarks” and that
the allegation of prejudice was “clearly false.”
An additional problem with the local departments’ investigations
of biased conduct is that they relied heavily on the officers’ denials
that bias influenced their actions, without considering whether an
officer’s conduct created the reasonable appearance of bias. This
approach is problematic both because officers are unlikely to admit
that bias affected their actions and because it fails to consider the
likely perspective of the community. We did not find this problem
at San Bernardino Police because the records we reviewed included
no evidence that the department had directly questioned the related
officers about whether their conduct had been motivated by bias.
As a result of the deficiencies in the departments’ investigative
practices, they are at higher risk for failing to identify instances
when their officers engage in biased conduct and failing to take
action to prevent those officers from engaging in biased conduct
in the future. None of the departments that we reviewed have
adequate guidance for how to determine whether bias influenced
officers’ conduct. In the absence of such guidance, we observed
that at San José Police—the only department we reviewed that
consistently provided formal analysis in its investigations about
whether conduct was biased—some investigative analyses and
conclusions differed widely from one another for no discernible
reasons. A statewide definition of biased conduct and guidelines
for applying this definition during investigations would clarify
expectations for law enforcement departments.
Greater statewide oversight could increase law enforcement
departments’ adoption of best practices for addressing bias.
Reviews by other external agencies, including the California
Department of Justice (DOJ), show that the problems that we
identify in this report are not limited to the five departments
we reviewed. That said, external reviews and oversight have
proven effective in advancing law enforcement departments’
adoption of practices for preventing bias. Requiring the Racial
and Identity Profiling Advisory Board (RIPA Board)—an entity
within DOJ charged with eliminating racial and identity profiling
in law enforcement—to review and report on departments’
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implementation of best practices for preventing bias could provide
greater visibility into local department practices and assist the
public and policymakers in holding departments accountable.
In addition, DOJ currently performs occasional, in-depth reviews
of law enforcement departments’ operations, including efforts to
mitigate bias. These reviews have resulted in positive change in the
departments in question. However, from 1999 until March 2022,
it had completed only six reviews of city or county departments
that examined their broader policing practices, with another four
ongoing. Requiring DOJ to perform reviews more frequently could
provide the public with in-depth assessments of departments’
implementation of best practices.
The work officers perform is both critically important to our State
and often extremely challenging. We found no evidence that the
majority of the officers we reviewed had engaged in biased conduct.
Nonetheless, biased conduct by even a few officers can cause
harm to members of the public and erode the community’s trust
in law enforcement. For these reasons, it is incumbent upon law
enforcement departments and the State to take the steps necessary
to guard against officer bias in all its forms.
Agency Comments
Each of the departments that submitted written responses to our
report generally agreed with our recommendations, with some
exceptions. Stockton Police did not clearly state whether it would
implement our recommendations, but noted that it would analyze
our audit and see how it can align its policies and procedures with
best practices. San Bernardino Police did not submit a written
response to our report; however, we incorporate its perspective
on our findings and recommendations throughout the text of
the report.
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Recommendations
The following are the recommendations we made as a result of
our audit. Complete descriptions of the findings and conclusions
that led to these recommendations can be found in the chapters
of this report.
Legislature
To better align existing expectations in state law with best
practices for addressing bias during the hiring of peace officers,
the Legislature should do the following:
• Require that POST, in the course of its regular audits of local law
enforcement departments’ hiring processes, determine whether
the departments conduct the following activities:
– Oral interviews that incorporate assessments of officer
applicants’ ability to interact with a diverse community.
– Interviews of secondary references to obtain information
about officer applicants’ characters.
• Require POST to develop guidance for local law enforcement
departments on performing effective Internet and social media
screenings of officer applicants. This guidance should include,
at minimum, strategies for identifying applicant social media
profiles and for searching for and identifying content indicative
of potential biases, such as affiliation with hate groups.
To provide law enforcement departments hiring peace officers
the ability to effectively screen for bias in applicants, the
Legislature should amend state law to specify that law enforcement
departments can request that officer applicants identify their public
social media accounts so departments are aware of the accounts
and can review them to identify content indicative of potential
biases, such as affiliation with hate groups.
To ensure that peace officers are properly trained about bias and
its effects, the Legislature should amend state law to require
that officers—including those at CDCR—receive training on
the following topics at least every other year, and should require
POST to monitor to ensure that local departments comply with
this requirement:
• Explanations of implicit and explicit bias, including how bias can
influence behavior.
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• Community engagement strategies, including the benefits of
effective community engagement and the means to achieve
that engagement.
• Cultural awareness and sensitivity, including regarding the
various cultures within the communities they serve.
• Reporting obligations, including how officers should respond
after observing biased behavior by peers.
To aid law enforcement departments in effectively leveraging
data on officers' stops as part of their early intervention systems,
the Legislature should require the RIPA Board to develop and
disseminate technical guidance for how best to analyze stops data
to reveal potential indications of bias at the officer level.
To ensure that law enforcement departments properly identify and
respond to possibly biased conduct by their officers, the Legislature
should amend state law to do the following:
• Create a definition of biased conduct that law enforcement
departments must use when investigating any bias-related
complaint or any incident that involves possible indications of
officer bias. At a minimum, the definition should specify that
biased conduct can include conduct resulting from implicit
as well as explicit biases; that conduct is biased if a reasonable
person would conclude so using the facts at hand; that an
officer need not admit biased or prejudiced intent for conduct to
reasonably appear biased; and that biased conduct may occur in
an encounter with the public, with other officers, or online, such
as conduct on social media.
• Require law enforcement departments that analyze officer
conduct based on this definition to reach one of the existing
formal determinations in state law about whether an
allegation is true, and to document a rationale for reaching
the determination.
• Require DOJ to develop standard investigative protocols that law
enforcement departments must follow when evaluating whether
an officer has engaged in biased conduct.
• Require POST, in consultation with DOJ, to develop training
on how to properly conduct investigations of biased conduct.
State law should require officers who handle complaints or other
misconduct investigations to attend the training at least once
every two years.
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To increase the adoption of best practices for addressing officer bias
in law enforcement departments statewide, the Legislature should
do the following:
• Require the RIPA Board to outline specific best practices for
addressing bias within law enforcement in at least the areas
of recruiting, hiring, training, community engagement, early
intervention systems and related monitoring, and misconduct
investigations. The Legislature should require local law
enforcement departments to report to the RIPA Board the extent
to which they have implemented those best practices, and should
further require that departments provide the board with copies
of any of the policies, procedures, or plans that they attest align
with the best practices if the RIPA Board requests they do so.
Finally, the Legislature should require the RIPA Board to publish
annually through a scorecard, interactive dashboard, or similar
means each department’s progress.
• Establish a required frequency with which DOJ must complete
best practice reviews of law enforcement departments to assess
their efforts to combat bias. Local departments should be
required to cooperate with DOJ, and DOJ should issue public
reports about the results of those reviews. The Legislature should
further establish the minimum required areas that DOJ should
evaluate during these reviews, including the best practices
described in this report, and require DOJ to establish criteria
for selecting the law enforcement departments it reviews.
• Require that DOJ establish guidelines for local independent
review of law enforcement departments’ misconduct
investigations, such as specifying that an effective independent
review entity should have full access to the relevant records and
should review all of the department’s bias-related investigations.
For any law enforcement department that does not have a
process for independent review that aligns with DOJ’s guidelines,
the Legislature should require DOJ to conduct periodic audits
of the department’s misconduct investigations to identify
whether it has appropriately handled investigations of possible
biased conduct.
Commission on Correctional Peace Officer Standards and Training
To enhance CDCR’s identification of correctional officer applicants
who possess the ability to work with diverse individuals and do
not have detectable disqualifying biases, by October 2023, the
Commission on Correctional Peace Officer Standards and Training
should establish standards for the selection of correctional officers
that incorporate the best practices that we describe in this report.
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CDCR, Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino Police, San José Police, and
Stockton Police
To communicate to both the public and their officers their
commitment to performing their duties in a fair and impartial
manner, Stockton Police and CDCR should formalize policies that
align with best practices by, at minimum, declaring that biased
conduct is prohibited, describing in detail what constitutes
biased conduct, and outlining key compliance mechanisms.
To improve their ability to recruit qualified applicants who reflect
the diversity of their communities:
• By October 2022, the four local departments should have a
process for regularly monitoring data on the diversity of their
current personnel, their new hires, and to the extent possible,
their applicant pools. They should use these data to evaluate the
success of their recruitment efforts and identify needed areas
of improvement.
• By April 2023, CDCR, San Bernardino Police, and San José Police
should develop and begin implementing documented strategies
aligned with best practices for recruiting officers who reflect the
diversity of their communities.
To better assess whether peace officer applicants have the ability
to work with diverse members of their communities and whether
they possess detectable disqualifying biases, by no later than
October 2022:
• CDCR, Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino Police, and Stockton
Police should begin conducting standardized interviews of
officer applicants that include questions designed to assess their
experience working with diverse communities and their ability to
do so effectively.
• CDCR, Los Angeles Sheriff, San José Police, and Stockton
Police should proactively seek and attempt to contact secondary
references to obtain more candid information about applicants,
such as information about past biased conduct or affiliation with
hate groups.
• All five departments should begin using documented procedures
that adhere to best practices to identify and review applicants’
public social media profiles for content indicative of disqualifying
biases, such as hate group affiliation.
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To strengthen their relationships with their communities
and mitigate the effects of bias on their officers, the four local
departments should develop and begin implementing documented
strategies to do all of the following by April 2023:
• Collaborate with their communities to establish or leverage
community advisory boards consisting of representatives of
diverse groups. Each department’s strategy should specify how
it will partner with the boards in the areas of recruitment,
hiring, training, and community engagement, as well as how it
will leverage the boards to obtain feedback on how it can better
serve its community.
• Ensure that officers at all levels regularly participate in
community engagement activities.
• Periodically survey their communities to assess the effectiveness
of their community engagement efforts and solicit feedback on
how to improve their operations.
To proactively identify signs that officers may need additional
training or supports to address possible biased behavior, the five
departments should, by April 2023, adopt policies and implement
procedures that align with best practices for an effective early
intervention system. These systems should do the following:
• Track and incorporate data at the officer level related to
complaints, uses of force, and other indicators as appropriate,
and use these data to identify officers who could benefit from
early intervention. The systems of the four local departments
should include analysis of stops data that identifies officers based
on indications of possible biased conduct.
• Specify a range of early intervention options—such as trainings,
mentoring or other supervisory approaches, mental health
services, or reassignment—with guidance about how to apply
them to the particular circumstances of each officer’s conduct.
The system should require prompt interventions that address
the identified issues with or patterns in the officers’ conduct,
including conduct related to bias.
• CDCR, San Bernardino Police, San José Police, and Stockton
Police should require monitoring of the officers who receive
intervention to evaluate whether their performance improves or
whether additional interventions are needed.
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To ensure that they adequately investigate possible biased conduct
and implement effective corrective actions, the four local law
enforcement departments should ensure they have implemented
policies or procedures by January 2023 that achieve all of
the following:
• Require that misconduct investigations formally analyze whether
an officer has acted in a biased manner whenever a complainant
alleges bias, the facts of the incident indicate bias might have
influenced an officer’s behavior, or investigators recognize
potential indications of bias during other reviews, such as
use-of-force reviews.
• Require that the investigations apply a definition of bias that
incorporates the following: biased conduct can include conduct
resulting from implicit as well as explicit biases; conduct is biased
if a reasonable person would conclude so using the facts at hand;
an officer need not admit biased or prejudiced intent for conduct
to reasonably appear biased; and biased conduct may occur in an
encounter with the public, with other officers, or online, such as
conduct on social media.
• Require that the individuals handling bias-related investigations
follow detailed investigative guidelines for identifying biased
conduct and be specifically trained in how to perform
these assessments.
• Formalize policies—such as through discipline matrices
or broader discipline guidelines—specifying options for
corrective actions beyond punitive discipline that are designed
to change officer behaviors associated with biased conduct.
The departments should require that, when appropriate, these
corrective actions—such as training and education—be part of
the discipline that officers receive when they are found to have
engaged in biased conduct.
Further, the policies for Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino
Police, and Stockton Police should require that investigations
include a formal determination that makes clear whether biased
conduct occurred or not, as well as the rationale for reaching
the determination.
To ensure that they accurately report information about all
complaints as required by state law, Los Angeles Sheriff and
Stockton Police should ensure that they report to DOJ about all
public complaints related to racial or identity profiling, including
those that initially appear to be unfounded, and the disposition of
those complaints.
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To ensure that it adequately responds to potentially biased conduct,
CDCR should continue to carry out its planned reforms of its
misconduct investigation process. In doing so, it should adopt
a clear and comprehensive definition of biased conduct, specify
criteria for determining whether conduct meets that definition,
document formal analysis of officers’ conduct using the criteria, and
provide training about how to perform these assessments. CDCR
should also specify options for corrective actions beyond punitive
discipline that are designed to change officer behaviors associated
with biased conduct and require that, when appropriate, these
corrective actions—such as training and education—be part of the
discipline that officers receive when they are found to have engaged
in biased conduct.
To improve its ability to effectively investigate allegations of officer
misconduct, by April 2023, Los Angeles Sheriff should finish its
planned partial implementation of body-worn cameras, and should
establish and begin implementing a time frame for equipping
officers in each of its custody settings with body-worn cameras.
To improve its ability to effectively investigate allegations of officer
misconduct, by April 2023, CDCR should establish a time frame
for equipping its remaining facilities with body-worn cameras and
begin implementing that plan.
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Introduction
Background
Law enforcement departments and the peace officers (officers)
that they employ provide an essential function in the communities
they serve: they are responsible for the safety of all residents in
their communities. To fulfill this responsibility, officers must
work in inherently challenging and dangerous environments and
must sometimes make quick decisions about how to uphold public
safety. Because their responsibility is essential to the safety of their
communities, officers are entrusted with significant and unique
authority. This authority includes the ability to make decisions to
deprive individuals of personal freedoms. For example, officers
may detain or arrest individuals. In some cases, they may also use
physical, including deadly, force.
In light of this authority, the public expects that officers will
Identity Characteristics
perform their duties in a fair manner. Under any given set of
Protected Under the Racial and
circumstances, the way that officers treat individuals and the Identity Profiling Statute
enforcement actions that they take should be the same or similar,
regardless of the individual’s identity characteristics. In fact, • Race
state law specifically prohibits officers from engaging in racial or • Color
identity profiling, which it generally defines as considering or
• Ethnicity
relying on a person’s actual or perceived identity characteristics
• National origin
when deciding to detain or search that person or when deciding
on the scope or substance of law enforcement activities after that • Age
detention or search.1 The text box lists the specific identity • Religion
characteristics that are protected by state law.
• Gender identity or expression
• Sexual orientation
Explicit and Implicit Bias • Mental or physical disability
Source: State law.
Bias represents a threat to officers’ ability to treat all people
fairly. In general, bias constitutes a lack of objectivity that can
take the form of preconceived judgments, opinions, or attitudes
about a person or group of people based on actual or perceived
identity characteristics. As Figure 1 shows, bias can be explicit
or implicit, and both types can affect a person’s behavior and
treatment of others. Individuals with explicit biases are aware of
their prejudices and attitudes toward certain groups. These positive
and negative attitudes and beliefs about groups of people are
conscious and deliberate. In contrast, implicit bias is unconscious.
It is an automatic association or attitude about a group of people,
and it operates outside of a person’s awareness. All people—
1 State law allows an officer to rely on identity characteristics that are listed in a specific suspect
description. For example, if a witness describes a suspect as a “white male,” officers can consider
that information in their search for the suspect.
14 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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including those who outwardly reject prejudice and stereotypes—
possess and are affected by implicit biases. In fact, people can
possess implicit biases about others with whom they share key
identity characteristics.
Figure 1
Explicit and Implicit Bias Can Both Affect Behavior
Implicit Bias Explicit Bias
Attitudes that are Attitudes and beliefs held
unconscious and about a person or group
involuntary but may on a conscious level that
still affect an individual’s affect an individual’s
behavior. behavior.
Line of consciousness
EXAMPLES: EXAMPLES:
• Unintentionally • Making jokes or
promoting stereotypes. comments that
deliberately express a
• Unconsciously
prejudice related to
considering a person’s
a person’s identity
identity characteristics
characteristics.
when taking actions.
• Intentionally promoting
stereotypes.
• Using racial or ethnic
slurs toward individuals.
Source: Various academic, scientific, and law enforcement best practice sources.
Because the two forms of bias are distinct from one another, the
effect they can have on behavior ranges widely. For example, a
particularly extreme manifestation of explicit bias is affiliation
with a hate group. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) defines
a hate group as “an organization whose primary purpose is to
promote animosity, hostility, and malice against persons of or with
a race, religion, disability, sexual orientation, ethnicity, gender,
or gender identity which differs from that of the members or the
organization.” Because explicit biases are rooted in consciously
held preferences for or against certain groups of people, they are
incompatible with being an officer.
Implicit bias can also cause individuals to engage in biased conduct,
although the presentation of that bias can, at times, be subtle.
For example, implicit bias may lead an individual to give certain
groups of people the benefit of the doubt while treating others
with suspicion under similar circumstances. Because implicit bias
is unconscious, individuals are likely to be unaware of its effects
on their behavior. Nonetheless, multiple studies have shown that
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 15
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implicit bias at times affects the decisions made by members
of numerous professional groups, including doctors, educators,
and judges.
When bias influences an officer’s actions, it can have particularly
detrimental effects because it may interfere with the fairness with
which officers perform their duties. For example, studies have
shown that implicit bias can increase the likelihood that officers
will perceive individuals who are Black as threatening. Studies have
also suggested that bias can play a role in officers’ decisions to use
force against specific individuals.
Because of the effects that bias can have on officer conduct and the
potential damage it can cause, it is critical that law enforcement
departments take action to address it. In general, law enforcement
departments should strive to identify and exclude from their
ranks any officers with biases that render them incapable of fairly
exercising their duties. Because everyone has implicit biases,
law enforcement departments generally must take steps, such as
providing training and education, to mitigate these biases’ effects.
Studies have suggested that an officer’s implicit biases can be
overcome through targeted interventions that reduce the effect of
bias. Throughout this report, we describe the best practices that
law enforcement departments can implement to effectively address
officer bias.
Recent Action by the State to Address Biased Policing
Recent events have heightened national awareness of and attention
on the subject of bias in law enforcement departments. These
events have included officer-involved shooting deaths of unarmed
Black individuals, protests associated with the Black Lives Matter
movement, and the surfacing of biased social media content
associated with some officers. Further, reports in the media have
included allegations that some officers are affiliated with groups
that espouse bias against others, including the Proud Boys and
the Ku Klux Klan. These events have led to calls for increased
accountability and oversight.
One of California’s key tools for making such changes is the Racial
and Identity Profiling Advisory Board (RIPA Board). State law
required the Office of the Attorney General to establish the RIPA
Board by July 2016 to eliminate racial and identity profiling and to
improve diversity and racial and identity sensitivity in law
enforcement. The RIPA Board includes, among many others,
a representative from the California Police Chiefs Association, a
university professor who specializes in policing and racial and
identity equity, and two representatives from community
16 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
organizations. With the assistance of staff within the California
Department of Justice (DOJ), the RIPA Board is responsible for
annually analyzing data from law enforcement departments across
the State and other responsibilities as the text box
shows. It then issues annual public reports on a
RIPA Board Responsibilities variety of subjects, including the total number of
public complaints alleging racial or identity
• In partnership with state and local law enforcement
profiling. The RIPA Board’s annual reports
departments, review and analyze racial and identity
contain recommendations for local law
profiling policies and practices across geographic areas
enforcement departments, the Legislature, and the
in California.
Commission on Peace Officer Standards and
• Review and analyze stops data and civilian complaint data.
Training (POST) regarding best practices and
• Conduct, and consult available, evidence‑based research proposed changes to state requirements to address
on explicit and implicit biases, and law enforcement stop, and mitigate the effects of bias. POST is a
search, and seizure tactics. governor-appointed commission within DOJ that
sets minimum selection and training standards
• Review training by POST regarding racial and
identity profiling.
for California law enforcement departments.2
Source: State law.
In addition, the State has recently enacted laws
aimed at increasing public accountability and
transparency in law enforcement. For example,
effective January 2022, state law requires POST
to develop a system for revoking or suspending an officer’s
certification—thereby revoking or suspending his or her ability to
be employed as a peace officer—for serious misconduct, including
excessive force, sexual assault, dishonesty, and demonstrations
of bias. Further, a separate law—also effective in January 2022—
requires records related to sustained findings of certain forms
of officer misconduct, including discriminatory or prejudicial
behavior, to be disclosed under the California Public Records Act.
In light of concerns about bias and hate group affiliation among
officers, the Joint Legislative Audit Committee (Audit Committee)
directed our office to conduct a review of a selection of law
enforcement departments to determine whether their officers
were members of hate groups or had engaged in biased conduct.
It further asked us to evaluate the departments’ practices for
addressing bias within their ranks. We reviewed four local law
enforcement departments: the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s
Department (Los Angeles Sheriff), the San Bernardino Police
2 Law enforcement departments’ compliance with POST standards is voluntary and
incentive‑based. Participating departments agree to abide by the standards in exchange for
services and benefits, such as reimbursement for officer training. Most departments in the State,
including all of the departments we reviewed during this audit except for CDCR, participate
in POST.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 17
April 2022
Department (San Bernardino Police), the San José
Police Department (San José Police), and the Approximate Number of Sworn Staff
Employed at Each Department
Stockton Police Department (Stockton Police).
At the direction of the Audit Committee, we also
CDCR: 30,000
included the California Department of Corrections
Los Angeles Sheriff: 10,200
and Rehabilitation (CDCR) in portions of our
review. The text box shows the number of sworn San Bernardino Police: 250
employees at each department. San José Police: 1,100
Stockton Police: 440
Source: Personnel data from each of the listed departments,
collected between July 2021 and December 2021.
18 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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Blank page inserted for reproduction purposes only.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 19
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Chapter 1
SOME OFFICERS AT FIVE LAW ENFORCEMENT DEPARTMENTS
DISPLAYED BIAS
Key Points
• At each department we reviewed we identified some officers who had
engaged in biased conduct. Some of this conduct occurred during their
on-duty interactions with individuals. We also identified 17 officers who
made biased statements or promoted biased content on social media.
• We did not identify sufficient evidence that any of the officers we
reviewed were members of hate groups; however, six officers promoted
content on their social media pages related to groups that foster animosity
toward people with protected identity characteristics, including Muslims,
individuals who identify as LGBTQ, and immigrants.
• None of the departments we reviewed have fully developed and implemented
comprehensive efforts to address bias among their officers. Without a
comprehensive approach to guard against the presence and effects of bias,
the departments will be less able to identify, mitigate, and address bias.
At Each of the Five Law Enforcement Departments, We Identified Officers Who
Have Promoted Negative Stereotypes and Engaged in Biased Conduct
Some officers at each department we reviewed—CDCR, Los Angeles Sheriff,
San Bernardino Police, San José Police, and Stockton Police—engaged in
biased conduct either in their on-duty interactions with individuals or online
through their social media posts. We reviewed a total of 25 investigations the
departments had conducted, such as in response to complaints they received
from the public or other officers, and we also reviewed the publicly available
Internet activity for about 750 officers across the five departments. As we
describe in the next section, we did not identify any officers with affiliations
with hate groups as a result of these reviews. However, we did identify conduct
by officers that was either explicitly biased or reasonably appeared to have been
influenced by bias. Throughout the rest of this section, we describe examples
of that conduct. We caution that the text and images that follow contain content
that some readers may find disturbing.
We identified some officers’ biased conduct through complaints that the departments
had received from members of the public and other officers. We reviewed
documentation, including body-worn camera footage when it was available,
for a selection of these complaints, as well as for other internal investigations.
Not every investigation we reviewed contained clear and direct evidence of
biased conduct. Nevertheless, we identified incidents in which officers had made
blatantly biased statements. Figures 2, 3, and 4 provide examples of this conduct.
20 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
WARNING: This figure contains content that readers may find disturbing.
Figure 2
Examples of Biased Conduct by Peace Officers Identified in CDCR’s
Internal Investigations
CASE #1
Officer A
• Filmed Black incarcerated individuals from a distance
and narrated, “Black Lives Matter”; he later explained
he had been sarcastically responding to their
sagging pants.
• In a separate video, while off duty, used the n-word
several times while repeating song lyrics and also
said in a sarcastic tone, “For George Floyd.”
RESULT: Officer received a temporary pay reduction.
CASE #2
Officer B
• Admitted he had jokingly teased an incarcerated Black
youth about watermelon and chicken. The officer
explained to investigators that he was trying to say,
“Black people eat watermelon and chicken.”
• Also admitted that he had jokingly teased an
incarcerated youth because of how the youth was dressed by
saying “You look like a girl” and asking him “Are you gay?”
RESULT: As part of a broader investigation involving
harassing others based on their identity characteristics
and lying to CDCR internal investigators, officer received
an unpaid suspension and was required to take training.
CASE #3
Officer C
• Told investigators he shared a joke with one or
two coworkers: “I took my biology exam on Friday.
I was asked to name something commonly found in
cells and, apparently, Mexicans is incorrect.”
The officer said that “It is a clean joke.”
• Told investigators that he and another officer
joked to a third officer who was working slowly,
“Come on, you’re Mexican, you’re used to working.”
RESULT: Officer retired during the investigation.
Source: CDCR misconduct investigation records.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 21
April 2022
WARNING: This figure contains content that readers may find disturbing.
Figure 3
An Example of Biased Conduct by Officers at a Law Enforcement
Department We Reviewed
San José Police officers were called to respond to a physical
altercation between a landlord and a tenant. The officers knew the
landlord was Vietnamese and before they arrived on-site, one
predicted what the landlord would look like.
“I would say she’s about 5 foot 4 inches, “Like to predict it
very skinny, bad teeth, very heavy ahead of time?
accent. That’s me...I like to—” I think so.
Let’s do this.”
OFFICERS THEN:
Decided they did not require a translator despite needing a neighbor to translate for them.
Told the landlord that unless she returned the tenant’s deposit, they would take her to jail.
The officers then conferred about the woman’s appearance.
“I was just thinking
“Do you think my
that. Spot on.”
descriptors—?”
OFFICERS THEN:
Denied a request for a translator.
Insisted that the landlord must return the deposit in cash, not a check.
The officers spoke while the landlord looked for money.
“Maybe she doesn’t have the money, who knows?
I think she has a problem gambling.”
OFFICERS THEN:
Detained the landlord in their patrol car until a
neighbor provided money to pay the deposit.
Told the landlord she did not need a translator
after she complained about not receiving one.
San José Police determined that bias related
to the landlord’s race had influenced how
this officer treated the landlord.
The officer received a 40-hour
suspension without pay.
San José Police did not find
the other officer had engaged
in biased conduct.
Source: Complaint investigation file and body‑worn camera footage from San José Police.
22 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
In addition, we identified other incidents in which there were
indications that bias may have influenced an officer’s conduct.
Because the departments documented these
incidents in their investigation files, it is clear that
Some Officers Made Biased Statements
they were aware of the conduct. However, as we
on Social Media
explain in more detail in Chapter 4, the four local
Officers selected: 753 departments often did not take appropriate action
Officers with public social media accounts: 450 to recognize and address possibly biased conduct
after it had occurred.
Officers who posted biased statements
while employed as peace officers: 13
• From CDCR: 7 officers We also identified some officers who had posted
• From Los Angeles Sheriff: 3 officers biased content on their public social media
• From San Bernardino Police: 3 officers accounts, as the first text box shows. When we
• From San José Police: 0 officers reviewed about 750 officers we selected from across
• From Stockton Police: 0 officers
the five departments, we found that about
Source: Public social media accounts of selected officers at 40 percent did not have any identifiable social media
the five departments. accounts. Further, some of the remaining officers
Not all of these officers remain employed at the departments;
had privacy settings that limited the amount of
however, the records we reviewed indicated that they made
these posts during their employment with the departments. content that was publicly viewable. However, of the
450 officers who had discoverable social media
accounts with some level of public activity, 13 had
posted or supported content that contained biased
statements or images. Although the number and age
Officers Posted Biased Statements on Social of these posts varied among these officers, the
Media Targeting People With Protected records we reviewed indicate that all of the posts
Identity Characteristics
occurred while they were employed as officers.
• Black individuals • LGBTQ individuals
The biased statements that we identified targeted
• Asian individuals • Women
various groups, including those listed in the second
• Latino individuals • Immigrants
text box. We considered the content we identified
• Muslim individuals
to be biased because it generally either promoted
Source: Public social media accounts of selected officers at negative stereotypes or contained hateful or
the five departments.
derogatory speech about a group of people. Figure 5
contains examples of these statements.
In addition to the 13 officers who made biased
statements on social media while they were
Four Officers Made Biased Statements on
employed by the law enforcement departments, as
Social Media Prior to Their Employment
we show in the third text box, we identified four
• From CDCR: 0 officers officers who posted biased content on their social
• From Los Angeles Sheriff: 0 officers media accounts before they were hired by the
• From San Bernardino Police: 1 officer
departments we reviewed. These posts were similar
• From San José Police: 2 officers
in nature to those we discuss above. These cases
• From Stockton Police: 1 officer
highlight the importance of departments effectively
Source: Public social media accounts of selected officers at screening for bias and prejudice in their hiring
the five departments.
processes, an area we describe in more detail in
Chapter 2.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 23
April 2022
WARNING: This figure contains content that readers may find disturbing.
We have redacted some of the posts below.
Figure 4
Example of Biased Conduct That Was the Subject of a Complaint
Stockton Police received a complaint about social
media posts made by an officer which promoted
racial stereotypes and were demeaning toward
women and people with disabilities.
Examples of the officer’s posts:
1. Ramon has an AK-47 with a
30-round clip... How many drive-by
shootings can Ramon attempt
before he has to steal enough
ammunition and reload?
2. Leroy has 2 ounces of cocaine.
If he sells an 8 ball to Antonio for
$320 and 2 grams to Juan for
$85 per gram, what is the street NOT ACTUAL POSTED PHOTO
value of the rest of his hold?
Looked up the definition
DUMB CUNT and this lady
popped up . . . Sorry if this is
Who else laughed as hard as
anyone’s mom, wife, throw
I did?
down etc. but if it is plz
throat punch her for me.
Following Stockton Police’s investigation of the
complaint, it found the officer had exhibited
“unbecoming conduct” and had violated its policy
on use of social media, and it issued the officer a
letter of reprimand as discipline.
Source: Stockton Police complaint investigation records.
The departments we reviewed have recognized the harm that an
officer’s social media activity can cause. The departments have
policies prohibiting certain conduct on social media by officers,
including on an officer’s personal social media accounts. Some
of the policies specifically prohibit making derogatory or biased
statements. For example, San José Police’s policy states that
24 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
department members must not post online any material that is
disparaging, insulting, or disrespectful to a group or class of people.
The policy indicates that such posts may adversely reflect upon the
department, impair its working relationships, or inhibit its ability to
operate efficiently and effectively.
WARNING: This figure contains content that readers may find disturbing.
We have redacted some of the posts below.
Figure 5
Examples of Biased or Prejudiced Statements Peace Officers Made on Social
Media
Every time a Muslim stand up
Over 620,000 white
[sic] in Congress and tells us
people died to free they are going to change the
constitution, impeach our
black slaves. president, or vote for socialism,
remember you swore you would
never forget. They swore they
And still to this day would destroy us from within.
not even 1 thank
you and we’re now
known as racists.
Auditor redacted image of
a transgender woman
Auditor redacted
image
Source: Public social media pages of law enforcement officers at the departments we reviewed.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 25
April 2022
When an officer engages in biased conduct or makes statements
like those we describe in this section, it casts doubt on that officer’s
ability to treat individuals fairly. For example, one officer made
comments about Muslims that raise questions about how that
officer might perceive and react to Muslim individuals in the course
of the officer’s duties:
“There was a time where our country, we were letting in,
we were a safe zone and I was totally against it, especially
with Muslims. . . . In Iraq. . . . they do not like us and
they never will. . . . they hate Americans…they strap on
bombs and they come at us. . . . if they’re really willing
to do that, for their own people to kill us, what do you
think is going to happen when we allow a lot of them [to]
come over here? So at that point in time in my life I was
completely against it.”
The biased conduct we identified was generated by a small number
of the officers at each department. Nevertheless, concluding on
that basis alone that bias is not a significant problem at these
departments would be incorrect for a number of reasons. By its
nature, our review was not designed to catalogue every instance of
biased conduct or statements by officers at these departments. Our
work encompassed only a limited number of internal investigations
and the publicly shared views of a selection of officers. Moreover,
the behavior of even a few officers can erode a community’s
trust in law enforcement and damage the relationship between
a department and the community it serves. According to the
U.S. Department of Justice (US DOJ), community trust—which
we discuss further in Chapter 3—reinforces police legitimacy and
is critical to preventing and controlling crime.
Most importantly, the departments we reviewed have not fully The departments we reviewed have
adopted strong safeguards against bias and its effects, as we describe not fully adopted strong safeguards
in the chapters that follow. As a result, these departments are at a against bias and its effects.
higher risk of being unaware of and unable to effectively address the
ways in which their officers exhibit bias. Without a comprehensive
set of practices to address bias—such as those we describe later in
this chapter—law enforcement departments cannot know the extent
to which bias is a problem in their organizations or whether they are
effectively combating that problem.
We Identified Six Officers Who Either Publicly Defended or Promoted
Content From Problematic Groups
As we describe in the Introduction, affiliation with a hate group
reflects an extreme form of explicit bias. Across the nation, concern
has been growing regarding officer involvement in such groups.
26 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
Our statutory access to records for an audit is limited to those held by
public entities and private entities subject to review or regulation
by public entities, and does not extend to records held by hate groups.
To identify whether officers had However, to identify whether officers at the five departments we
links to hate groups, we interviewed reviewed had links to hate groups, we interviewed relevant staff at
relevant staff, reviewed records each department, reviewed records associated with complaints and
associated with complaints and internal investigations, and examined data and other records held
internal investigations, examined by DOJ and California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services
records held by DOJ and Cal OES, (Cal OES). Further, as we describe in the previous section, we
and reviewed online activity. investigated and reviewed the online activity of about 750 officers
across the five departments.
We found insufficient evidence to prove that the officers that
we reviewed were members of hate groups. That said, six of the
officers posted content suggesting that they support groups with
problematic principles or activities. One officer posted a statement
defending the Proud Boys, which is an organization that the
Canadian government states has promoted hostility toward Muslim
individuals and women, as well as encouraged acts of violence
against groups that it perceives to be its opponents. In his post, the
officer stated that the Proud Boys had denounced white supremacy
and that those against the Proud Boys are “in reality just against
masculinity.” That officer was among the officers we describe earlier
who posted biased statements on their social media pages. The
biased statements he posted were demeaning toward transgender
individuals and promoted stereotypes about Asian individuals.
The remaining five of the six officers promoted content on their
social media sites related to other problematic organizations. For
instance, one officer’s profile picture on his mainstream social
media account was an image representing the Three Percenters,
a group that the Canadian government and the Anti-Defamation
League have described as having an extremist antigovernment
ideology. Some of the ideology’s followers have promoted hate
and engaged in acts of violence toward Muslims. Another officer
shared content from the same group on his social media account.
The fourth of the six officers liked on his social media account a
group that has publicly expressed animosity toward immigrants.
The group publishes content that promotes stereotypes about
immigrants, including that they engage in criminal activity, are
involved in terrorism, and negatively impact American workers
and taxpayers. The fifth officer identified himself as affiliated with
a group that opposed same-sex marriage and promoted claims that
having same-sex parents is harmful to children. Finally, the sixth
officer liked a social media page that lauds the Confederacy. Given
the public statements and activities of these groups, these officers’
promotion or support of these groups on social media calls into
question their ability to treat individuals fairly in the exercise of
their duties.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 27
April 2022
Given the significant threat that officer involvement in hate
group activities poses, law enforcement departments must strive
to identify and address that behavior. However, some inherent
challenges exist to identifying that an officer is affiliated with a hate
group. For example, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security
reported that some violent extremist hate groups use “leaderless
resistance” tactics, wherein an individual or small group operates
independent of any movement, leaders, or network of support,
which allows them to “fly under the radar” and be difficult for law
enforcement to detect.
An additional challenge to identifying officers involved in hate
groups is the general protections that exist around freedom of
speech and association. The U.S. Constitution provides broad and
important protections that generally allow individuals the freedom
to share their opinions and beliefs, both individually and as part
of a group, without government interference. Accordingly, after
reviewing the activities and records at DOJ and the Homeland
Security Division within Cal OES, we found no evidence that
indicated that those entities track or monitor individuals based
on their beliefs or associations. Similarly, the FBI has publicly
stated that it does not collect or maintain information on
individuals solely for the purpose of monitoring First Amendment
protected activity.
However, some state and federal departments, including the FBI,
DOJ, and the Homeland Security Division within Cal OES, may
conduct investigations or threat assessments of individuals or
groups when there is a threatened or actual crime—such as a
hate crime or act of terrorism. Further, information about those
threats or investigations may be available to other law enforcement
departments. Additionally, peace officer candidates are subject
to a criminal records search at the local, state, and national levels
to determine legal eligibility for peace officer employment and
eligibility to carry a firearm. Law enforcement departments must
forward the candidate’s fingerprints to DOJ, which will conduct
a state search that may reveal if an applicant has been convicted
of crime that would disqualify the applicant from being a peace
officer, including a felony or certain misdemeanors. Collectively,
the required criminal records checks would assist law enforcement
departments in identifying individuals with strong manifestations
of bias, such as the commission of a hate crime.
Constitutional protections prohibit law enforcement departments A department may exclude an
from excluding officers solely on the basis of past or present officer from employment who has
membership in hate groups. However, a department may exclude an engaged in an activity related
officer from employment who has engaged in an activity related to to a hate group if the activity is
such an organization if the activity is incompatible with the mission incompatible with the mission of
of the department—including the department’s need to maintain the department.
28 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
an image of fairness and impartiality. In fact, pending legislation
would require law enforcement departments to terminate officers
who have participated in hate group activities.
None of the Law Enforcement Departments Have Taken a
Comprehensive Approach to Guarding Against Bias and Its Effects
The cases of biased conduct that we identified occurred at law
enforcement departments that have not adequately implemented
policies and practices that would safeguard them against the
presence and effects of bias. Although each of the strategies we
discuss in the subsequent chapters of this report provides benefits,
no single practice is sufficient on its own to guard against bias.
Instead, departments must adopt a comprehensive approach that
addresses each of these areas of best practice. In the absence of such
a comprehensive approach, departments will be less able to identify,
mitigate, and address bias.
Numerous authorities, including those listed in
Sources of Best Practices the text box, have published best practices related
We Used During Our Review to addressing bias and ensuring the fair and
equitable enforcement of laws. These best practices
• US DOJ are generally directed at local law enforcement
• President's Task Force on 21st Century Policing departments; however, many of them are relevant
• IACP and critical for correctional facilities as well.
• National Institute of Justice A correctional officer’s role differs in key ways from
• DOJ a local law enforcement officer’s role. However,
• RIPA Board correctional officers possess a similar responsibility
• POST to perform their duties in a fair and impartial way.
Their treatment of incarcerated individuals should
Source: Review of best practices.
not be improperly influenced by an individual’s
protected identity characteristics.
According to many of these sources, a critical first step to providing
bias-free law enforcement is adopting a formal policy against
biased conduct. This policy should serve as the foundation for the
department’s efforts to address bias. The International Association
of Chiefs of Police (IACP) states that a department’s policy on
bias should declare that biased conduct is prohibited, describe in
detail what constitutes biased conduct, and outline key compliance
mechanisms. Establishing such a policy conveys that a department’s
leadership is committed to preventing bias from interfering with its
responsibility to treat members of the public equally in the exercise
of its duties.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 29
April 2022
Nonetheless, neither Stockton Police nor CDCR has such a policy.
As a result, both departments lack an important management
tool for communicating expectations for standards of conduct
for officers, as well as clear commitments to fairness for their
communities. Both departments asserted that although they
do not have specific policies prohibiting biased conduct, other
policies address bias. For example, Stockton Police pointed to
several policies—such as its policies related to restraining orders,
the activities of its equestrian unit, and parole and probation
violations—that include an express commitment to policing in
a respectful, neutral, and trustworthy manner. However, those
policies do not define bias-free policing and lack other key
elements that best practices recommend that a bias-free policy
should include.
The remaining three departments—Los Angeles Sheriff,
San Bernardino Police, and San José Police—have established
policies formally committing to bias-free policing but have not
fully integrated the policies’ principles into their key processes.
For example, San Bernardino Police’s policy prohibits biased-based Three of the departments we
policing and further states the department is committed to reviewed have established policies
providing law enforcement services to the community with due formally committing to bias‑free
regard for the racial, cultural, or other differences of those it serves. policing but have not fully
It further outlines the general responsibilities for both patrol integrated the policies’ principles
officers and supervisors related to its implementation. However, into their key processes.
as we show in the subsequent chapters, San Bernardino Police’s
processes and practices do not consistently or comprehensively
reflect this policy. We found similar issues at Los Angeles Sheriff
and San José Police.
A policy prohibiting biased conduct is not sufficient on its own
for a department to establish and maintain a culture of fairness
and impartiality. Rather, a department must ensure that its
actions consistently reflect the principles upon which that policy
is based. Drawing a conclusion from settlement agreements that
the US DOJ entered into with law enforcement departments, the
RIPA Board states that departments should implement bias-free
policing principles into their key functions and processes. These
include job descriptions, recruitment and training efforts, personnel
evaluations, and accountability systems, among others. In
particular, authorities on law enforcement highlight the importance
of departments’ implementing the best practices that Figure 6
shows to combat bias, prejudice, and hate in their organizations.
Multiple studies have shown that specific interventions can help to
mitigate bias and its effects. In particular, research supports that
simple awareness and acceptance of one’s own implicit biases can
help to reduce the effects of those biases.
30 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
Figure 6
Law Enforcement Authorities State That Law Enforcement Departments Should
Address Five Key Areas to Combat Implicit and Explicit Bias in Their Organizations
Recruiting and Hiring
• Attract applicants who reflect the diversity of the community.
• Screen out applicants with implicit or explicit biases that
impair their ability to behave fairly and impartially.
Training and Coaching
• Explain explicit and implicit bias and how they can affect
law enforcement.
• Review cultural awareness and concerns relevant to the
local community.
Community Engagement
• Formalize strategies for community engagement.
• Formalize expectations and strategies for officer participation
in community engagement.
• Involve the community in shaping and implementing
strategies for combating bias.
• Seek community feedback and adopt changes to practices.
Monitoring and Education
• Regularly review data that could indicate problematic
behavior.
• Discuss areas of concern with officers and provide additional
support, including training when appropriate.
Investigation and Discipline
• Thoroughly investigate claims of bias, prejudice, or hate.
• Issue discipline or other corrective action that deters future
cases from occurring.
Source: Law enforcement best practices published by the US DOJ, DOJ, IACP, POST, and
the RIPA Board.
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California State Auditor Report 2021-105 31
April 2022
Chapter 2
KEY BEST PRACTICES COULD STRENGTHEN THE FIVE LAW
ENFORCEMENT DEPARTMENTS’ HIRING PROCESSES
Key Points
• A diverse workforce provides many benefits, including improved cultural
sensitivity and reduced stereotyping; however, like law enforcement
departments nationwide, each of the five departments we reviewed
has struggled to ensure that its officers fully reflect the diversity of
its community.
• Despite the challenges the five departments face in recruiting a diverse
workforce, none had fully implemented key best practices for reaching
diverse applicants.
• Although each of the departments has generally followed requirements
in state law and regulation for hiring peace officers, they have not fully
implemented key best practices—such as robust reviews of applicant
social media pages—that could better enable them to identify individuals
with potentially disqualifying biases.
None of the Five Departments We Reviewed Have Fully Implemented Best
Practices for Recruiting a Diverse Workforce
Authorities on law enforcement agree that law enforcement departments must
strive to create a workforce that is composed of individuals who are qualified
to perform their duties and who reflect the diversity of the communities they
serve. Diversity helps departments to develop culturally sensitive responses to
community problems. It also reduces stereotyping of groups in the community
by officers, as well as stereotyping of officers by the community. The IACP has
highlighted that diversity helps a department build trust with a community,
and US DOJ has shared research demonstrating that departments with greater
diversity are more open to reform, more willing to implement cultural and
systemic changes, and more responsive to the residents they serve.
The departments we reviewed have had varying levels of success in ensuring
that their officers reflect the diversity of their communities. For instance, the
proportions of Black officers and white officers that Los Angeles Sheriff employs
are generally consistent with the Los Angeles County population. However, as
Table 1 shows, according to the personnel data that the departments provided,
none of the five departments we reviewed have workforces that proportionally
reflect all the demographic groups within their communities. For example,
San Bernardino Police and Stockton Police both employ a significantly lower
proportion of Black officers than the proportion of Black individuals living in
their communities. The same is true for Asian officers at CDCR, Los Angeles
Sheriff, San José Police, and Stockton Police. Although San Bernardino Police,
32 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
San José Police, and Stockton Police have lower proportions of
Hispanic or Latino officers than their communities, CDCR and
Los Angeles Sheriff have higher proportions than their respective
communities. Further, the percentage of white officers in
San Bernardino Police and Stockton Police far outpaces the overall
population of white individuals in the communities they serve.
Table 1
The Diversity of the Departments Does Not Align With the Diversity of Their Communities
LOS ANGELES SAN BERNARDINO SAN JOSÉ STOCKTON
CDCR
SHERIFF POLICE POLICE POLICE
COMMUNITY* OFFICERS COMMUNITY OFFICERS COMMUNITY OFFICERS COMMUNITY OFFICERS COMMUNITY OFFICERS
redneG
Male 50% 83% 49% 82% 50% 87% 51% 87% 50% 90%
Female 50 17 51 18 50 13 49 13 50 10
Nonbinary† Not < 1 Not 0 Not 0 Not 0 Not 0
reported reported reported reported reported
yticinhtE/ecaR
African‑
American 5 8 8 7 12 5 3 4 12 2
or Black
American
Indian/ < 1 < 1 < 1 < 1 < 1 < 1 < 1 < 1 < 1 < 1
Alaskan Native
Asian 15 7 15 8 4 4 38 8 21 8
Hispanic or
Latino‡ 39 47 48 52 68 41 31 10 44 30
Native
Hawaiian and
< 1 < 1 < 1 < 1 < 1 0 < 1 < 1 < 1 < 1
other Pacific
Islander
White 35 34 26 32 13 49 23 48 17 57
Two or Not Not
4 3 1 2 < 1 4 4 1
more races reported reported
Not Not Not
Other < 1 2 < 1 < 1 < 1 29 < 1
reported reported reported
Source: U.S. Census data and personnel data for each of the five departments listed in the table.
Notable disparity between community demographics and officer demographics.
* For CDCR, we used statewide demographic data as the community group against which we compared the department.
† The U.S. Census does not collect data on individuals who identify as nonbinary.
‡ We identified U.S. Census data as the best data available for our review to identify the community each department serves. Because of
discrepancies in how the U.S. Census and the departments we reviewed collect data on individuals who identify as Hispanic or Latino, we could
not do an exact direct comparison between the data sets. However, we were asked to evaluate whether each department’s peace officers reflect
their respective communities and we determined these data were the best available; therefore we used them for comparison purposes.
These disparities are not unique to these five departments. Certain
demographic groups, such as female, Black, and Asian individuals,
have historically been underrepresented as officers across the
country, and law enforcement departments have reported struggles
in recruiting individuals in these groups. In its guidance for law
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 33
April 2022
enforcement departments, the IACP notes that multiple factors
can discourage women and members of certain demographic
groups from considering a career in law enforcement. According
to the IACP, conventional wisdom among police leaders holds that
nonwhite community members are more likely to associate policing
with civil rights abuses and present-day unequal treatment. In the
same report, the IACP states that law enforcement leaders believe
that women feel unwelcome in law enforcement and that they fear
sexual harassment, being stereotyped, or being ostracized, among
other concerns.
In the face of these challenges, it is critical that law enforcement
departments implement best practices for recruiting applicants from
diverse backgrounds. The text box lists key practices
that authorities on law enforcement have identified.
Key Practices for Recruiting
Each of the five departments we reviewed has taken
a Diverse Applicant Pool
steps to attract diverse applicants, such as through
social media advertising. CDCR has contracted with
• Partner with minority-serving institutions to
a vendor to develop a marketing campaign and to recruit candidates where they live, work, and play.
research and leverage partnerships with diversity
• Develop a formal plan for recruiting diverse
partners such as cultural groups. CDCR meets candidates that includes specific, measurable
periodically with its vendor to assess the success of goals and strategies for achieving them.
recruitment efforts. Similarly, San José Police has • Involve the community in the development of
produced recruiting videos that it has posted online recruitment goals and strategies.
featuring diverse San José Police officers, including • Monitor diversity-related data and assess
effectiveness of recruitment efforts.
female officers, officers who identify as LGBTQ, and
officers of different races. All of the departments
Source: Review of best practices.
except San Bernardino Police also demonstrated that
they have conducted recruitment activities at
multiple events for, or hosted by, diverse community
groups. The lieutenant who oversees San Bernardino Police’s
recruitment unit asserted that it also recruits at these events, but the
department lacked documentation to demonstrate that it had.
Although these efforts have likely improved the departments’ ability
to recruit diverse applicants, the departments have not implemented
other key practices that could further increase their success. Table 2
summarizes our review of the departments’ practices. For example,
only Los Angeles Sheriff and Stockton Police have completed formal
recruitment plans that include strategies for recruiting applicants
from various demographic groups. A formalized recruitment strategy
guides a department to document specific, measurable goals and the
actions it will take to accomplish those goals. Los Angeles Sheriff’s
recruitment plan, for instance, includes a goal that 20 percent of its
officers will be women. The plan also details strategies for achieving
that goal, including partnering with Los Angeles County to sponsor
an initiative to attract more women into public safety positions
and working with a consulting firm to identify best practices for
attracting female applicants.
34 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
Table 2
The Five Departments Varied in Their Implementation of Key Practices for Recruiting a Diverse Applicant Pool
LOS ANGELES SAN BERNARDINO SAN JOSÉ STOCKTON
KEY PRACTICE CDCR
SHERIFF POLICE POLICE POLICE
Has a formalized strategy,
including goals, for recruiting Partial Adequate Poor Poor Adequate
a diverse applicant pool
Advertises on social media Adequate Adequate Adequate Adequate Adequate
Recruits at community
events hosted by or
Adequate Adequate Poor Adequate Adequate
for underrepresented
populations
Assesses the demographics
of current personnel against
the demographics of the Adequate Poor Poor Adequate Adequate
community to identify areas
for improvement
Collects and analyzes
applicant demographic
Adequate Poor Poor Poor Partial
data to assess the success of
recruitment efforts
Source: Review of recruitment practices at the five law enforcement departments.
In contrast, neither San Bernardino Police nor San José Police
have formalized recruitment plans. The lieutenant who oversaw
San Bernardino Police’s recruitment efforts during the time of our
review could not explain why the department did not have a formal
recruitment plan, but agreed that a formalized strategy would
improve San Bernardino Police’s recruitment efforts. Similarly, the
lieutenant who oversees recruitment at San José Police noted that
the department employs many strategic measures to recruit diverse
applicants, but agreed that formalizing recruitment strategies
would be beneficial.
At the time of our review CDCR did not have a formalized
recruitment strategy for its entire workforce, but provided
evidence of some tactics for reaching diverse applicants, such as a
campaign to reach female applicants as well as a plan for reaching
more diverse applicants. The plan for reaching diverse applicants
includes steps that CDCR will take to target its advertising and
attend certain events to recruit applicants, but it lacks formal goals
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 35
April 2022
for measuring its success in these efforts. CDCR’s recruitment
manager stated that CDCR is in the process of developing a
formal recruitment plan. She provided a draft plan that includes
strategies for increasing female and diverse applicants and also
includes methods for monitoring the effectiveness of those
recruitment efforts.
Another key practice that departments should adopt is the regular
review of their diversity-related data. Two key types of diversity data
can assist departments in evaluating their recruitment efforts. First,
regularly monitoring the demographics of its current personnel
Regularly monitoring the
can help a department assess whether those demographics match
demographics of both its current
the community it serves and highlight areas to improve diversity.
personnel and its applicant
Second, monitoring the diversity of its applicant pool can help a
pool can help a department in
department understand the effectiveness of its recruitment efforts
evaluating its recruitment efforts.
and identify barriers its application processes may inadvertently
present. For example, if a department receives a high number of
applications from female applicants, it could indicate that its efforts
to recruit female applicants have been successful. However, if few
of those female applicants successfully make it through the hiring
process, it could indicate that the department should evaluate the
steps in its hiring process to identify potential hurdles that may be
disproportionately affecting female applicants.
The departments vary in the degree to which their recruitment staff
evaluate the first set of diversity-related data: the demographics of
their current personnel.3 In line with best practices, Stockton Police
annually evaluates both the race and gender of its officers, and had
documented in a 2021 recruitment plan update an evaluation of the
diversity of its full-time staff as a means to measure its progress
toward its diverse staffing goals. San José Police’s recruitment unit
has reported information on the diversity of its current personnel
and police academy trainees to a subcommittee of the city council,
which the department indicated it began doing in February 2021
at the direction of that subcommittee. CDCR also recently began
reviewing these data. According to the manager who oversees
CDCR’s recruitment unit, CDCR began reviewing the demographic
makeup of its officers in May 2021. Further, CDCR’s draft
recruitment plan states that CDCR will evaluate reports on this
information quarterly to assess the effectiveness of its recruitment
strategies and identify areas for improvement.
Conversely, the recruitment units at Los Angeles Sheriff and
San Bernardino Police do not analyze the demographics of their
current personnel. The sergeant who oversees recruitment at
3 Because best practices call for the assessment of the diversity of current personnel to inform
departments’ recruitment strategies, we considered only demographic assessments reviewed by
the departments’ recruitment units.
36 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
Los Angeles Sheriff indicated that the reason the recruitment unit
has not analyzed the demographics of its personnel in recent years
was that the unit was downsized. Although the lieutenant who
oversees the recruitment unit at San Bernardino Police agreed
that reviewing the demographic data for its personnel would be
useful, he stated that collecting and maintaining those data would
be difficult because of the constant change in personnel and
challenges in getting individuals to respond to questions about
their demographics. However, we obtained and reviewed the city of
San Bernardino’s personnel data for San Bernardino Police’s officers
and found that the city possesses information on the race, ethnicity,
and gender of all officers.
CDCR analyzes the second set of diversity-related data: the
demographics of its applicant pool. CDCR performs this analysis
despite its lack of certain demographic data, which we describe
later. However, the other departments have either not done so
regularly or have not analyzed the data at all. The captain who
oversees Stockton Police’s recruitment unit acknowledged that the
department does not have a standardized process for analyzing
applicant data, but provided evidence that around January 2021
it analyzed the diversity of its applicants from three different
rounds of recruitment. Its analysis contained not only the gender,
race, and ethnicity of applicants, but also the stages of its hiring
process at which those applicants either voluntarily withdrew from
consideration or were screened out.
Los Angeles Sheriff’s recruitment plan states that the recruitment
unit will, on a weekly basis, receive information on the number of
applications the department received, including a demographic
breakdown of the applicants based on gender, race, and age.
However, the recruitment unit for the department could not
provide evidence of any review of that information. The sergeant
who oversees Los Angeles Sheriff’s recruitment unit indicated
that it had not done so from 2019 through 2021, in part because
the department did not accept applications in 2021, and in part
because the recruitment unit was downsized. Similarly, neither
San Bernardino Police nor San José Police had analyzed the diversity
of their applicants. The lieutenant who oversees San Bernardino
Police’s personnel and training division agreed the practice would
be beneficial, and the lieutenant who oversees recruiting at San José
Police indicated that it could begin performing this analysis.
One barrier to evaluating applicant data is that three of the
departments—CDCR, San José Police, and San Bernardino Police—
possess insufficient data on either the race and ethnicity or the
gender of their applicants to allow these departments to perform a
meaningful analysis. State law prohibits departments from requiring
applicants to report characteristics such as their race, ethnicity, and
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 37
April 2022
gender. However, departments are permitted to ask applicants to
volunteer that information. Each of the five departments requests this
information during their hiring processes, but they have had varying
degrees of success in obtaining the data. As Table 3 shows, Stockton
Police and Los Angeles Sheriff each possessed data on the gender,
race, and ethnicity of their applicants. However, San José Police
lacked data on the gender of the majority of its applicants, and both
CDCR and San Bernardino Police similarly lacked data on the race
and ethnicity of the majority of their applicants. We reviewed each
department’s application forms to compare the methods each used
to request demographic information from applicants and found that
the departments’ approaches differed. Given the success that some
departments have had in obtaining information from applicants
about their race, ethnicity, and gender, it may benefit CDCR,
San Bernardino Police, and San José Police to evaluate the manner
in which they request that information from applicants and consider
changes to improve the rate at which applicants provide it.
Table 3
Three of the Five Departments We Reviewed Lack Data About the Race and Ethnicity, or Gender of Their Applicants
LOS ANGELES SAN BERNARDINO SAN JOSÉ STOCKTON
CDCR
SHERIFF POLICE POLICE POLICE
Percentage of applicants who
16% 99% 6% 90% 97%
reported race/ethnicity
Percentage of applicants who
100 99 99 22 99
reported gender
Source: Applicant data for the departments listed in the table.
Department received insufficient data.
That said, the lack of certain demographic information does not
fully explain why San Bernardino Police and San José Police have
not analyzed the diversity of their applicant pools. As Table 3
shows, applicants at San Bernardino Police generally report their
gender, and the majority of San José Police’s applicants have
reported their race or ethnicity. As a result, these departments can,
at minimum, analyze these data.
By not establishing robust processes for monitoring the diversity
of both their current personnel and their applicants, the local
departments we reviewed have limited their ability to track the
success of their recruitment efforts and to identify areas requiring
improvement. Until the departments develop such processes and
implement best practices for recruiting a diverse workforce, they
will likely continue to struggle to ensure that their officers reflect
the demographics of their communities and to reap the benefits
38 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
that such diversity provides. In Chapter 3, we present examples of
how departments can engage more with their communities as part
of their recruitment efforts.
The Departments Have Inconsistently Implemented Hiring Practices
That Can Identify Applicants Who Have Disqualifying Biases
Strong hiring processes are critical to ensuring that
law enforcement departments identify applicants’
Law Enforcement Hiring and Screening Steps
to Identify Disqualifying Biases detectable biases. State law and POST regulations
require local law enforcement departments to
Selected required practices: perform multiple hiring steps, including several—
• Structured oral interview. listed in the text box—that may reveal that
• Personal history questionnaire. applicants hold biases that disqualify them from
• Criminal records check. serving as officers (disqualifying biases). POST
• Inquiries to law enforcement departments where and IACP have also published additional beneficial
the applicant has lived and frequented. steps that law enforcement departments can take
• Personal reference checks with family, friends, to provide further assurance that applicants do not
neighbors, and employers.
have disqualifying biases.
• Psychological evaluation.
CDCR is not required to follow POST regulations,
Selected best practices:
which govern only participating law enforcement
• Incorporation of questions about bias and departments. State law assigns authority for
prejudice into some of the steps above.
developing, approving, and monitoring correctional
• Review of applicant tattoos for hate symbols or
officer selection standards to the Commission on
hate group affiliation.
Correctional Peace Officer Standards and Training
• Inquiries to law enforcement departments where
the applicant has been rejected for employment. (CPOST). Despite having this responsibility since at
• Check of applicants’ social media websites for least 2015, CPOST has not formalized any hiring or
disqualifying content. screening standards. CPOST leadership attributed
• Polygraph examinations. the lack of standards to a number of factors,
including the broad responsibility of CPOST in
Source: State law and regulations, and best practices from
POST and IACP. contrast to its modest staffing, and the COVID-19
pandemic. A captain in CDCR’s Office of Peace
Officer Selection stated that it has instead followed
POST’s guidance.
When we reviewed five hiring decisions at each department, we
found that all of the departments generally followed key hiring
requirements from state law and regulation, as Table 4 shows.4
Further, each took additional screening steps beyond those that
are required that could help them identify disqualifying biases.
For example, the five departments all solicited information about
applicants’ tattoos. Because members of certain hate groups identify
4 Although state law requires CDCR to use POST standards as guidelines when completing
background investigations, it is not required to follow the POST regulations that we reviewed.
Nonetheless, we assessed whether it completed these steps because they are best practices for
hiring officers.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 39
April 2022
themselves through tattoos of specific symbols or logos, examining
an applicant’s tattoos can reveal that an applicant is associated
with a hate group. Additionally, both San José Police and Stockton
Police used a polygraph or similar examination during which
examiners asked the applicants at least one question that could
identify potential biases, including whether they are involved with
or sympathize with hate groups. Despite these additional steps and
their general adherence to state law, the five departments varied in
their implementation of three other key practices that would have
assisted them in more rigorously screening their applicants for
disqualifying biases.
Table 4
Law Enforcement Departments Inconsistently Followed Key Steps for Screening for Bias During Hiring
LOS ANGELES SAN BERNARDINO SAN JOSÉ STOCKTON
KEY PRACTICE CDCR
SHERIFF POLICE POLICE POLICE
Generally follows key
requirements in state law Adequate Adequate Adequate Adequate Adequate
and regulations
Uses a structured oral interview
that includes a question about
Poor Adequate Partial Adequate Poor
an applicant’s ability to interact
with a diverse population
Contacts secondary references
who can provide more candid
information about an applicant Poor Not applicable* Adequate Partial Partial
than the references supplied by
the applicant
Conducts social media reviews
in which the investigator looks
Partial Partial Partial Partial Partial
for indications of bias, prejudice,
or hate group affiliation
Source: Review of selected hiring records at the departments listed in the table, best practices issued by POST and IACP, and state regulations.
* State regulation requires departments to contact secondary references when provided. Los Angeles Sheriff did not request secondary references
from the references its investigators contacted, and therefore none were provided.
Not All Departments Used Interviews to Assess Applicants’ Ability to
Work With a Diverse Community
Only Los Angeles Sheriff and San José Police effectively leveraged
hiring interviews to identify whether applicants had experience
with or were capable of working with diverse groups of people.
POST regulations require departments to hold a structured oral
interview with applicants. These interviews involve asking
applicants predetermined questions in a standardized fashion and
evaluating their responses against predefined, job-relevant criteria.
POST requires that the departments’ structured interviews address,
40 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
at minimum, the six factors listed in the text box. Its interview
guidance details that the community involvement and awareness
factor includes elements that can aid departments in
determining whether an applicant possesses disqualifying
Factors That Law Enforcement
biases. These elements include an applicant’s experience
Departments Must Address in Oral
with and interest in community issues, freedom from social
Interviews With Prospective Officers
and ethnic prejudices, and sensitivity to and acceptance of
differences based on demographic background.
• Experience
• Problem-solving ability
Despite the benefit that structured oral interviews can
• Communication skills
provide, neither Stockton Police nor CDCR conducted
• Interest and motivation them. The captain who oversees Stockton Police’s hiring
• Interpersonal skills process stated that he and senior staff believe that other
• Community involvement and awareness components of its hiring process sufficiently address the
community involvement and awareness factor. Nevertheless,
Source: State regulations.
POST’s requirements direct departments to assess an
applicant through a structured oral interview and do not
make allowances for departments to meet this requirement
through other means. A captain in CDCR’s Office of Peace
Officer Selection stated that CDCR does not currently hold interviews
because of the staffing and resources such an interview would take,
but agreed that there would be value in doing so.
San Bernardino Police, San José Police, and Los Angeles Sheriff
all conducted structured interviews of their applicants. However,
only Los Angeles Sheriff and San José Police’s interviews regularly
contained a question designed to determine whether the applicant
could work effectively with a diverse community. San José
Police asked such a question in four of the five hiring decisions
we reviewed, with the only exception being the oldest hiring
decision we reviewed, which was for an applicant it interviewed in
August 2019. Los Angeles Sheriff also asked applicants to respond
to a question that was designed to assess their ability to interact
with a diverse community, and it also provided interviewers with
guidance that assisted them in this assessment. However, for
the most recent interview we reviewed, which occurred in 2020,
Los Angeles Sheriff revised this question so that it no longer
specifically addresses whether the applicant has the ability to work
with diverse individuals. The manager in the unit that develops
interview questions at Los Angeles Sheriff indicated that the
department changed the interview questions because of concerns
about how long the previous questions had been in use, but agreed
that it would be beneficial to reincorporate an assessment about
applicants’ ability to work with diverse groups of people.
In contrast to Los Angeles Sheriff and San José Police,
San Bernardino Police’s interview questions in this area were
broad. For example, one question was a general inquiry into the
applicant’s experience working with the public. Although applicants
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 41
April 2022
could answer these questions in a way that revealed their ability
to work with diverse groups of people, the questions would not
necessarily lead applicants to share their experiences in that area.
Additionally, San Bernardino Police did not develop guidance to
inform interviewers that the purpose of these questions was to
obtain information about an applicant’s ability to work with diverse
groups of people.
Most of the Departments Did Not Consistently Contact Secondary References
Four of the five departments generally did not follow another
key practice: contacting certain individuals who could provide
valuable information about an applicant. POST regulations require
departments to contact each applicant’s relatives, neighbors, and
other applicant-provided personal references. In the hiring decisions
we reviewed, all of the departments contacted these individuals
and—with the exception of CDCR, which we discuss later in this
section—typically asked some or all of these references whether
applicants had ever exhibited biased or discriminatory behavior.
However, the departments did not consistently contact additional
individuals known as secondary references. State regulations describe Four of the five departments we
secondary references as contacts provided to a department by the reviewed did not consistently
applicant’s initial references and requires that departments contact contact secondary references, who
these individuals during the hiring process. POST’s guidance also are sometimes more candid than
emphasizes the value of secondary references, stating that they are references the applicants provide.
sometimes more candid than references the applicants provide.
The departments varied in the degree to which they obtained and
contacted secondary references.5 San Bernardino Police obtained
secondary references for all five hiring decisions we reviewed, and
contacted them for four. Conversely, Los Angeles Sheriff did not
request secondary references from the references that investigators
contacted, and did not receive any. San José Police and Stockton
Police each obtained secondary references but contacted them
only half of the time, and although CDCR obtained secondary
references for four of the five hiring decisions we reviewed, it did
not contact any of them. Stockton Police’s captain speculated that
we could not verify that it contacted secondary references due to
the lack of documentation of this process. Nonetheless, the captain
acknowledged the value that these contacts can add and stated
that the department was open to documenting this process in the
future. By not contacting secondary references, the departments
5 In response to the departments’ requests for secondary references, references sometimes named
individuals whom the applicant had already listed as references. POST’s background investigation
manual describes secondary references as individuals not listed by the candidate as a reference;
therefore, we did not consider individuals whom the applicant had listed as a reference to be
secondary references.
42 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
forgo an opportunity to gain more complete information about
applicants, including about whether the applicants have a history of
biased behavior.
Finally, unlike the four local law enforcement departments, CDCR
did not ask the references whom it contacted whether applicants
had ever demonstrated biased or discriminatory behavior. POST’s
background investigation manual states that asking references
about racial or ethnic biases is useful, and includes “Has the
applicant displayed any bias or prejudice toward others?” in its
sample reference questionnaire. CDCR asked references other
helpful questions related, for instance, to the applicant’s temper and
emotional stability, but it did not inquire about applicants’ ability to
work with diverse individuals or about indications of disqualifying
biases. An applicant’s family, friends, neighbors, and current and
former employers could provide valuable information about that
individual’s attitudes, past behaviors, and association with hate
groups, all of which could reveal disqualifying biases. CDCR’s chief
of peace officer selection indicated that incorporating inquiries
about bias into the questionnaire it uses when interviewing
references would be a simple step that would provide value.
Each Department Needs to Strengthen Its Review of Applicants’
Social Media
A final practice for identifying disqualifying biases that the
departments did not adequately implement is a thorough review
of the applicants’ social media. Social media reviews can provide
Social media reviews may reveal several benefits to departments, one of which is that they may
applicants who are affiliated with reveal applicants who are affiliated with hate groups or hold
hate groups or hold biased views. the type of biased views that we report about in Chapter 1. In
partnership with the Defense Personnel and Security Research
Center—a division of the U.S. Department of Defense that conducts
research and publishes best practices for effective personnel
screening—the IACP published guidance for law enforcement
departments on how to use social media to screen officer applicants
and incumbents for potentially problematic behavior, including
the sharing of posts like those we describe in Chapter 1. The IACP
guides departments to review applicants’ social media accounts and
other online activity to ensure that they have behaved in a manner
appropriate for the officer position. The guidance also provides
some strategies for conducting a review and advises using applicant
email addresses as search terms for accounts.
Although each of the departments we reviewed incorporated some
assessment of applicants’ social media accounts into its hiring
process, most reviews were limited and their rigor was unclear
based on the records the departments kept. Each department asked
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 43
April 2022
its applicants to report their social media accounts or usernames.
However, only San José Police documented a broader search for
applicant social media accounts, such as by using applicant email
addresses or usernames to identify social media accounts that the
applicants may not have disclosed. CDCR generally appeared to
limit its reviews of social media accounts to one social media site.
The remaining three departments all either did not document the
social media sites they reviewed, or appeared to limit their reviews
to the applicants’ self-reported accounts. The limited social media
reviews that CDCR, Stockton Police, San Bernardino Police, and
Los Angeles Sheriff performed narrowed the departments’ ability to
learn about disqualifying biases.
Additionally, none of the departments except for CDCR had
formalized guidance for their staff on how to conduct effective
social media reviews. CDCR provided evidence that it had
developed a social media investigation course for its background
investigators, which includes strategies for navigating social media
accounts and for how to locate applicants on social media. However,
the training does not include guidance for how to identify or
recognize biased content. The absence of such guidance, combined
with the fact that the records the departments retained of their
social media reviews were often limited to a note saying that the
review had occurred, rendered us unable to verify that the reviews
had been done with a consistent level of depth or with consistent
consideration of the content.
When we performed the social media investigation that we describe
in Chapter 1, we included the officers hired through the five hiring
decisions we reviewed at each department. Of those who had
public social media accounts, one applicant’s account contained
biased content at the time we conducted our review. Because of
the limitations in the departments’ documentation of their social
media screenings that we describe above, we could not determine
whether the department observed or considered this information
during its background investigation. Nonetheless, stronger guidance
and direction regarding the process that background investigators
should use when reviewing applicants’ online activity would
increase the likelihood of their detecting online behavior that is
indicative of potentially harmful biases.
One potential barrier to law enforcement departments performing
in-depth reviews of applicants’ social media is that state law State law prohibits employers
prohibits employers from requiring or requesting that employees or from requiring or requesting that
applicants disclose their usernames or passwords for the purpose of applicants disclose their usernames
accessing their personal social media. The statute does not clearly or passwords for the purpose of
state whether that prohibition applies to employers that are state accessing their personal social media,
or local public departments, including law enforcement. Given the but it is not clear if this applies to
value that reviewing an applicant’s public social media accounts state or local law enforcement.
44 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
provides in screening the applicants for a law enforcement position,
an amendment to that statute to clarify that law enforcement
departments are permitted to ask applicants to disclose their social
media accounts for the purpose of employment screening would
benefit those departments’ screening practices.
Changes to POST’s Oversight Would Better Ensure That Departments
Adhere to Key Steps in Hiring
Although it regulates law enforcement hiring, POST has not
conducted reviews to ensure that law enforcement departments are
adequately performing the steps we describe above. State law requires
POST to perform any inquiries necessary to determine whether
law enforcement departments are adhering to hiring standards, and
POST conducts regular audits of local law enforcement departments’
hiring practices. POST audited each of the four local departments
at least once from January 2020 through January 2022. However,
POST’s audits do not include a review to ensure that departments
have conducted structured oral interviews and that the interviews
adequately address the six factors that regulations require. Further,
although POST verifies during its audits that departments have
contacted references, it does not determine whether departments
have contacted secondary references. The executive director
for POST agreed that information from secondary references is
critical, and that those references generally provide more candid
information. He stated that POST could easily make an adjustment
that would allow POST’s staff to quickly verify during its audits that
departments interviewed secondary references. Including in its audits
a review of departments’ compliance with these steps would allow
POST to increase department accountability for adhering to key
hiring requirements.
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California State Auditor Report 2021-105 45
April 2022
Chapter 3
THE FIVE LAW ENFORCEMENT DEPARTMENTS HAVE NOT IMPLEMENTED
KEY BEST PRACTICES FOR MITIGATING THE EFFECTS OF OFFICER BIASES
Key Points
• Training can help officers better understand and address their own biases,
but each department’s training about bias needs to include additional
content to be most beneficial. Also, none of the five departments require
their officers to attend training about bias as frequently as law enforcement
authorities recommend.
• Building strong relationships with the community is a critical step to mitigating
bias, but the four local departments have not taken key steps for building and
strengthening relationships with their communities.
• None of the departments we reviewed have established adequate systems
for proactively identifying and correcting problematic trends in officer
performance. These systems can be a critical tool for identifying potentially
biased conduct and providing support or training to correct that behavior.
The Five Departments Have Not Provided Frequent Enough Training to Mitigate
Officer Bias
Multiple authorities on law enforcement practices have indicated that training officers
about bias is a key strategy for mitigating its effects. An effective training program
reinforces expectations regarding fair and impartial law enforcement, improves officers’
understanding of the effects of bias and ways to mitigate those effects, and strengthens
officers’ ability to interact effectively and respectfully with the diverse individuals in
their community. The US DOJ, IACP, and other law enforcement experts have published
best practices for the frequency with which officers should receive training about bias,
as well as the content and approaches departments should include to ensure that those
trainings are effective.
Despite the importance of effective training, the departments we reviewed have not
required that training as frequently as recommended. For example, multiple sources
recommend that departments provide officers with frequent training related to bias.
Frequent training on bias can reinforce key principles and ensure that officers are up
to date on current circumstances, applications, and methods for bias-free policing.
However, rather than following this guidance, the departments we reviewed have
generally required officers to meet the lower threshold set in state law.6 This threshold
requires officers to participate in training about racial and identity profiling and bias
only once every five years, although it allows departments to provide that training
6 Los Angeles Sheriff requires officers assigned to custodial duties in the county jails to participate in more frequent trainings
that address how the officers should interact with incarcerated individuals from certain vulnerable populations, such as
those who are LGBTQ.
46 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
more frequently if needed. In contrast, POST’s regulations require
certain officers to receive 24 hours of training every two years
on other important topics, such as driving, making arrests,
and communication.
Three of the departments we reviewed—Los Angeles Sheriff, San José
Police, and Stockton Police—have made additional trainings available
to their officers, but none of those departments require the additional
trainings at regular intervals. For example, in addition to the training
required by state law, Stockton Police began requiring in 2014 that its
officers take a three-course series that discusses implicit bias, as well
as topics such as treating citizens fairly and respectfully. However,
Stockton Police shared that it requires its officers to take this series of
courses only once during their employment and does not require other
regular training on those topics. From 2014 through 2018, San José
Police required each of its officers to attend three one-time trainings
that included discussions about implicit bias, meaning that during that
time period San José Police required frequent training for its officers.
However, the department has not required training to continue
occurring at this frequency. Los Angeles Sheriff offers a voluntary
course about bias up to twice a year, but only 15 of its more than
10,000 sheriff’s deputies attended this course from 2018 through 2021.
Most of the local departments agreed that more frequent trainings
on bias would be beneficial. Each of the departments referred to its
academy training as an example of where relevant content on bias
is also taught to officers. Although academy training is important,
these are generally one-time trainings required before an individual
is sworn in as an officer. As we discuss earlier in this section,
Frequent training on specific frequent training on specific content related to bias reinforces the
content related to bias expectation for bias-free policing and strengthens officers’ ability to
reinforces the expectation for interact effectively and respectfully with the diverse individuals in
bias‑free policing. their community.
Departments also indicated that additional trainings would be
cost-prohibitive. Regulations that POST has issued provide for
departments to receive reimbursement from the State for all
POST-certified courses that officers take while on-duty, including
mileage, lodging, meals, and tuition. Generally, training expenses for
a required course may be reimbursed only once for a given officer,
unless the officer is authorized to repeat the course periodically. In
other words, departments may receive reimbursement only once
every five years for expenses related to training on racial and identity
profiling and bias. San José Police claimed that, due to staffing
shortages, additional training would need to be taught during
overtime hours. According to the department's calculations, it costs
an estimated $130,000 per hour to train every officer, sergeant,
and lieutenant. For example, a two-hour training would cost the
department about $260,000.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 47
April 2022
Local law enforcement departments are unlikely to offer training
about bias more frequently without change at the state level. The
Legislature could address this issue by aligning the requirements for
training about bias with those that already exist for training on other
vital subjects—driving, communicating, and making an arrest. This
new requirement would likely represent an increased cost for the
State. However, bias has the potential to negatively affect many of the
activities in which officers engage on a daily basis. For this reason, we
believe the additional cost is worthwhile.
Beyond the inadequate frequency of their training, the departments
we reviewed vary in the quality of their training content. To adhere
to best practices, law enforcement departments should incorporate
into their trainings the key topics that Table 5 lists. As the table shows,
the local departments we reviewed adequately explain bias: providing
relevant definitions of implicit and explicit bias, describing scientific
research supporting that all individuals possess bias, and discussing
the effects that bias can have on officer behavior. CDCR did not
include this content because—until 2022—it did not require its
officers to attend a training that specifically addressed these issues.
However, none of the departments incorporated adequate training None of the departments we
on cultural awareness and sensitivity. The US DOJ notes that law reviewed incorporated adequate
enforcement departments should educate their officers regarding the training on cultural awareness
various cultures within their communities so that officers are better and sensitivity.
prepared to engage with and respond to residents in a manner that is
situationally appropriate. However, the law enforcement departments
do not consistently provide this type of training. San José Police’s
training includes content about people who are Muslim and on
the importance of respectful treatment of people who are LGBTQ.
In alignment with guidance from the RIPA Board, San José Police
also requires an in-depth training on the impact that past negative
experiences with law enforcement can have on interactions with some
groups, including Black individuals. The training includes locally
relevant incidents and history. However, we expected San José Police to
include in its training information about additional cultures, religions,
races, and ethnicities that represent the San José community. For
example, we did not identify in its ongoing trainings education on
various Asian cultures, despite the fact that Asians represent almost
40 percent of the city’s population. As a result, its officers may not
be as prepared to interact with the community they serve and in a
manner that is situationally appropriate.
In our review of the departments’ internal investigations, which
we describe in Chapter 4, we identified times when officers might
have benefited from additional training on cultural awareness and
sensitivity. For example, one officer made several inappropriate
comments to a Black man that indicated a problematic lack of
awareness about the historical experiences of Black people with law
48 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
enforcement, and about the impact that racial slurs can have on
people of color. The officer accused the man of playing the “race
card,” stated that the officer wished “we lived in a world, back in
the [19]60s and [19]70s, where we could feel comfortable,” and listed
aloud a series of derogatory slurs as examples of protected speech.
Without sufficient training to improve officers’ understanding of
different cultures, they may lack critical knowledge, leading to
misperceptions and miscommunications that negatively affect their
interactions with individuals from different cultures.
Table 5
Law Enforcement Departments Did Not Consistently Implement Best Practices for the Content of Bias Training
LOS ANGELES SAN BERNARDINO SAN JOSÉ STOCKTON
RECOMMENDED CONTENT CDCR
SHERIFF POLICE POLICE POLICE
Explanations of bias,
including scientific research
on implicit and explicit bias Poor Adequate Adequate Adequate Adequate
and content on how bias can
influence behavior
Community engagement
strategies, including
the benefits of effective
Not applicable* Poor Partial Partial Partial
community engagement and
the means to achieve that
engagement
Cultural awareness and
sensitivity, including the
various cultures and identity Poor Partial Poor Partial Poor
characteristics within the
communities they serve
Reporting obligations,
including how officers should
Partial Adequate Poor Poor Poor
respond after observing
biased behavior by peers
Realistic or actual scenarios
that allow officers to develop
skills that can be applied in Partial Adequate Adequate Adequate Adequate
situations they may come
across in their day‑to‑day work
Source: Review of best practices from sources such as US DOJ and IACP, and analysis of the steps taken by the departments in the table.
Note: This table does not include a review of trainings that officers receive when they participate in officer academies before they are officially
sworn officers.
* As CDCR operates throughout the State and has officers who primarily interact with incarcerated individuals, we determined this training topic
did not apply.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 49
April 2022
The Four Local Law Enforcement Departments We Reviewed Have Not
Implemented Best Practices for Building Trust With Their Communities
Best practices for safeguarding against bias emphasize the
importance of local law enforcement departments’ engaging
with the communities they serve to build collaborative, trusting
relationships.7 Both officers and their communities benefit when
they interact frequently in positive settings. Research has shown
that officers’ day-to-day work may actually promote a belief in
negative stereotypes. Policing inherently involves dealing with
criminal and other problematic behavior. If officers are consistently
exposed to negative contacts within a given community, they may
increasingly believe negative stereotypes regarding the members of
that community. Positive interactions between those officers and
members of the community help to dispel such biases. Further,
these interactions may also dispel any negative stereotypes that the
community may believe regarding officers.
Each of the local departments we reviewed has taken some
encouraging steps toward establishing positive relationships with Each department has taken
its community. The departments all host and participate in events some encouraging steps toward
aimed to increase their presence within the community, including establishing positive relationships
various cultural celebrations at which members of the community with its community, but none
can interact with officers. The departments also operate programs for have fully implemented key best
youth. For example, San José Police participates in the Police Activities practices that are critical for
League, a goal of which is providing athletic and educational programs effectively building trust with
for children. In addition, Stockton Police has hosted reconciliation the community.
sessions, at which the chief of police and other leadership staff have
met with members of minority and other marginalized communities to
discuss the detrimental effects of those communities’ experiences with
law enforcement departments. However, none of the local departments
have fully implemented key best practices that are critical for effectively
building trust with the community, as Table 6 shows and as we discuss
in the sections that follow.8
Stockton Police Is the Only Local Department We Reviewed With a
Comprehensive Community Engagement Plan
Other than Stockton Police, none of the local departments we
reviewed have a comprehensive community engagement plan that
institutionalizes their strategies for engaging with the community.
7 We did not include CDCR in this section because the vast majority of its officers’ interactions are with
incarcerated individuals, rather than with the local communities in which its prisons are located.
8 In February 2022, the city of San José published the results of an assessment it commissioned of
San José Police’s adherence to best practices for policing. A significant portion of that assessment
addressed the way that San José Police interacts with its community, and the assessment’s findings
generally mirror our conclusions.
50 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
According to the US DOJ, a community engagement plan includes
strategies for partnering with community members, nonprofits, and
other nongovernment organizations. These plans help departments
to establish and communicate expectations regarding their
community engagement, focus their efforts on areas where they
would like to improve, and establish measurable goals to help them
to monitor their progress.
Table 6
Local Law Enforcement Departments Did Not Fully Implement Best Practices for Effective Community Engagement
LOS ANGELES SAN BERNARDINO SAN JOSÉ STOCKTON
SHERIFF POLICE POLICE POLICE
Formalize Expectations and Strategies for Community Engagement
Establish formal expectations regarding
participation by officers in community Adequate Poor Partial Poor
engagement activities
Create a comprehensive community
engagement plan that includes strategies for
Poor Poor Poor Adequate
engaging community members and setting clear,
measurable goals
Require Positive Interactions With the Community
Host or participate in community events,
Adequate Adequate Adequate Adequate
including those for diverse community groups
Track officer participation to ensure that all
officers have positive interactions with diverse Poor Poor Poor Poor
groups within the community
Solicit Feedback From the Community
Form community advisory committees to provide
Adequate Poor Adequate Adequate
perspectives on operations
Involve the community in key functions,
including policy development, hiring and
Partial Poor Partial Poor
recruitment, training, and community engagement
strategies
Regularly survey the community on perceptions
Partial Poor Partial Partial
of fear, safety, trust, and fairness in policing
Source: Review of best practices from sources such as US DOJ and IACP, and analysis of the steps taken by the departments in the table.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 51
April 2022
Stockton Police’s strategic plan establishes a goal to increase trust
between the department and its community. One strategy it lists
to achieve this goal is conducting trust-building workshops, where
members of the community and members of the department
convene to promote healing through conversations, such as the
reconciliation sessions we mention earlier. Another strategy
involves deploying a neighborhood impact team—consisting of a
public information officer and other members of the department—
into the community after a traumatic event, such as a homicide.
The plan states that the impact team can offer support to affected
community members, in part by providing referrals to available
resources. According to the officer responsible for the team,
Stockton Police provides information about the San Joaquin County
District Attorney’s Office Victim-Witness Program, which that
office advertises as providing a variety of services for crime victims,
including crisis intervention.
In contrast, Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino Police, and
San José Police all generally lack formalized plans for building trust
with their communities. Los Angeles Sheriff requires its service
areas to develop location-specific community policing plans. We
reviewed the plans that two service areas have developed and found
that they lack key elements. For example, neither plan includes
measurable goals to monitor progress in community engagement.
Los Angeles Sheriff’s deficiency in this area is particularly notable
in light of its history. In 2011 US DOJ began an investigation of
Los Angeles Sheriff’s operations in its Antelope Valley service area,
because of allegations of discriminatory policing by Los Angeles
Sheriff. To resolve the investigation, Los Angeles Sheriff entered
a settlement with US DOJ in 2015 in which it agreed to develop
a plan for its officers’ attendance at community meetings and
events in the Antelope Valley service area, among other things.
The settlement requires that the plan account for the need to
improve the department’s community relationships, including with
communities of color, and that it indicate the number and types
of community engagement events that department representatives
will attend on a regular basis. In January 2020, the Antelope
Valley service area revised a crime prevention and community
engagement plan that it indicated was developed to respond to
the settlement agreement. Although the US DOJ highlighted the
benefits that this plan would provide to the department and
the community, based on our review of other service area plans,
Los Angeles Sheriff has not ensured that this beneficial practice is
adopted throughout the county.
In the absence of documented plans for engaging with their
communities, Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino Police, and
San José Police have no formalized expectations, targeted goals, or
accountability mechanisms for building trust with the individuals
52 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
they serve. Therefore, those departments’ various community
engagement events are not structured around any dedicated
strategy, and they lack actionable information on the success of
those efforts.
Three of the Four Departments Have Not Established Adequate
Expectations That Their Officers Participate in Community Engagement
Activities, and None Comprehensively Track This Participation
If a department does not ensure that all of its officers participate, the
The US DOJ suggests that one way benefits of community engagement efforts are limited. The US DOJ
departments can institutionalize suggests that one way departments can institutionalize community
community engagement is by engagement is by tracking and rewarding positive interactions
tracking and rewarding positive between officers and community groups. These positive interactions
interactions between officers and can occur through organized community events or informally
community groups. through an officer’s daily patrol activities, such as playing basketball
with community members or patronizing local businesses. However,
only Los Angeles Sheriff has a formal policy for officer participation
in community engagement. The other three departments have either
inadequate policies or no formal expectation for participation in
community engagement efforts. Although the departments could
demonstrate some participation by various officers in these events,
none comprehensively tracked that participation or could otherwise
demonstrate how many officers had participated in a given period or
how frequently they had done so.
One of Los Angeles Sheriff’s service areas demonstrates that
tracking officer participation in community engagement is feasible.
In the 2015 US DOJ settlement with Los Angeles Sheriff, the
Antelope Valley service area agreed to determine the number and
types of events that all officers must regularly attend. According
to reports by the service area and the team monitoring the
implementation of the agreement, since the settlement the service
area has set a minimum requirement for officer participation in
community engagement activities and tracks this participation.
However, this tracking does not apply to all of Los Angeles Sheriff’s
service areas. According to the captains of two other service areas,
the captains and those responsible for community engagement
primarily attend the community engagement events and patrol
deputies are asked to attend the events when available, limiting the
effectiveness of these events, as not all deputies are in attendance.
Further, neither service area tracks officer participation in
community engagement activities.
The four local departments agreed that community engagement is
an important aspect of effective law enforcement, but not all agreed
that they should track officers’ participation in such activities.
For example, the captain that oversees the special operations
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 53
April 2022
division at Stockton Police stated that he is skeptical about setting
an expectation for a specific number of community engagement
activities and tracking these activities because he worries that officers
would perceive this requirement as another box to check rather than
understanding and being committed to the value of community
engagement. However, by setting clear expectations and tracking
officer participation, a department can clearly demonstrate and
communicate its commitment to community engagement.
The Departments Have Not Adequately Involved or Sought Feedback
From Their Communities
Guidance from the US DOJ states that, because a community is
the primary recipient of law enforcement services, it has a vested
interest in and a unique perspective on what constitutes effective
law enforcement. Thus, best practice suggests that law enforcement
departments should involve their communities in key departmental
processes as part of their efforts to build trust in their communities.
For example, law enforcement departments should involve their
communities in recruitment and hiring processes by soliciting
their communities’ input on the qualities and skills officers should
possess. The RAND Corporation also suggests that law enforcement
departments use recommended strategies for increasing diversity in
the U.S. military, such as partnering with organizations that work
directly with minority groups to help increase the pool of eligible
recruits. Similarly, the RIPA Board recommends that departments
include in their trainings representatives of the community,
particularly individuals knowledgeable about issues of race, religion,
sexual orientation, and disability.
One way that best practices recommend that departments involve Departments can involve
their communities is by forming community advisory committees— their communities by forming
groups composed of representative members of the community community advisory committees
who can provide advice regarding the department’s development of that can provide advice regarding
policies and of recruitment, hiring, and other strategies. Although the department’s development of
San Bernardino Police does not use this approach, Los Angeles policies and of recruitment and
Sheriff, San José Police, and Stockton Police have done so. For hiring strategies.
example, San José Police has established two different committees: a
general community advisory board and an LGBTQ advisory board.
San José Police shared agendas that showed how they partnered with
the LGBTQ advisory board to discuss the department’s attendance
at related community events, implementation of LGBTQ-specific
trainings, and development of both a training bulletin and policy
changes related to officer interactions with LGBTQ members of the
community. Finally, a public report states that Stockton Police has
included a community advisory board in the development of policies,
but the department could not provide evidence that the board’s
involvement had occurred.
54 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
Nonetheless, none of the four local departments could demonstrate
that they had fully involved their communities in the key areas
recommended by best practices. For example, although San José
Police and Los Angeles Sheriff sometimes involved community
representatives in their trainings, they did not do so consistently.
The other two departments did not involve their communities at all.
San Bernardino Police agreed that including community members in
the development of training on bias would be beneficial and would
ensure that the trainings cover cultural awareness and sensitivity that
is relevant to its community. Stockton Police asserted that although it
does not involve community members in its training, it has a diverse
team of instructors from various backgrounds. Nonetheless, by not
fully involving their communities in the development and operation
of key law enforcement functions—in particular those related to
addressing bias—the departments have not taken a critical step
toward building strong relationships of trust with their communities.
Another key best practice that law enforcement departments should
use to engage their communities is regular surveys. US DOJ guidance
states that surveys are a valuable tool through which a department
can better understand community fears, concerns, and perceptions
None of the local departments we of its performance. However, none of the local departments we
reviewed regularly survey their reviewed regularly survey their communities. Los Angeles Sheriff has
communities. surveyed select segments of its community in the past; however, it
stated that it has not conducted any community surveys since 2018,
when it surveyed the community served by the East Los Angeles
substation. That survey provided valuable information, including the
community’s degree of satisfaction with and primary concerns about
law enforcement. Because of concerns expressed in that survey, the
East Los Angeles substation indicated it would conduct more patrols,
increase its presence in the community, and work on community
outreach programs.
Similarly, Stockton Police has benefited from community surveys
in the past but has not committed to conducting them regularly.
As part of a 2014 national project funded by US DOJ, researchers
conducted two community surveys—one before and one after
Stockton Police implemented new initiatives to increase community
trust. The results of the second survey, which researchers
administered in 2017, showed a marked improvement in community
perceptions of Stockton Police’s policing. However, the survey also
showed no significant improvement in community perceptions of
police bias. According to Stockton Police, it attempted to conduct
two additional community surveys between 2019 and 2020 through
a contract with a third party. However, the department did not
receive enough responses in 2019 to generate a usable report and was
not able to conduct the 2020 survey because of the pandemic. As a
result, Stockton Police has not surveyed its community since its last
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 55
April 2022
attempt in 2019 nor has it considered plans to resume these surveys,
limiting its ability to determine whether its continued efforts to build
relationships with its community have been effective.
Some of the departments stated that they face resource challenges in
conducting regular community surveys. However, without such surveys,
the departments lack key insights into community perceptions and the
areas in which they need to build trust. Available guidance suggests
methods for minimizing the number of people needed for conducting
these surveys, such as partnering with local research institutions or
universities to conduct the survey and analyze the results.
The Five Law Enforcement Departments We Reviewed Lack
Adequate Systems for the Early Identification and Correction of
Problematic Behavior
Alongside their other efforts to mitigate the effects of bias, law
enforcement departments can proactively monitor key information
about officer conduct to identify trends or signals that indicate an
officer may need support. One recommended approach for this
type of monitoring is the use of an early intervention system. In
general, these systems entail collecting information about officers’
behavior; analyzing that information to identify patterns, both
positive and negative; assessing whether those patterns indicate a
need to intervene; and providing supports or corrective actions when
necessary. These systems address a wide range of conduct, including
behaviors that may be the product of officers’ biases. For example,
the system should identify if an officer receives multiple complaints
regarding biased conduct or disproportionately uses force against
certain demographic groups.
Early intervention systems are an important component of
departments’ efforts to monitor and improve officer performance.
Departments that do not proactively identify and correct officers’
behavior can miss opportunities to provide important supports,
coaching, and training to improve officers’ performance before it
harms members of the public or the officers themselves. In fact,
some research has shown that these systems can reduce negative
outcomes, such as complaints about an officer as well as officers’ use
of force against members of the public.
Despite the benefits, none of the departments we reviewed have
established early intervention systems that are fully aligned with None of the departments we
best practices, as Figure 7 shows. For example, San Bernardino reviewed have established early
Police does not have a formalized approach to early intervention. The intervention systems that are fully
department flags certain trends in officers’ behaviors—such as how aligned with best practices.
often officers use force—and, according to the former manager of
its professional standards bureau, once an officer's conduct triggers
56 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
an alert, either the professional standards bureau or the officer’s
supervisor will review the events that led to the alert and determine
whether someone needs to meet with or provide support to the
officer informally. However, the sergeant in charge of San Bernardino
Police’s professional standards bureau indicated that because the
department does not have a formal policy on early intervention, it
does not document any informal follow-up efforts that may result
from these alerts. Without a formal approach, San Bernardino Police
cannot ensure that it consistently identifies officers who could benefit
from intervention.
Figure 7
The Law Enforcement Departments We Reviewed Lack Adequate Systems for
Intervening With Officers Who Demonstrate Indicators of Bias
A Department with an effective early intervention system...
1 Uses quality data, including potential indicators of bias,
to identify officers who show problematic trends.
STOPS USES OF COMPLAINTS
DATA* FORCE OF BIAS
2Provides targeted training 3 Monitors the outcomes
or other supports to of the interventions.
identified officers.
The Departments we reviewed have not consistently adopted
the elements of an effective early intervention system...
USES QUALITY IMPLEMENTS MONITORS
DATA TO IDENTIFY TARGETED INTERVENTION
OFFICERS INTERVENTIONS OUTCOMES
Los Angeles Sheriff Partial Partial Adequate
San Bernardino Police NO NO NO
San José Police† NO NO NO
Stockton Police NO NO NO
CDCR† NO NO NO
Source: Review of best practices from sources such as US DOJ, the RIPA Board, and IACP, and analysis
of departments’ alignment with these best practices.
* Because CDCR officers work in custody settings, stops data are more relevant to the
local departments.
† As of February 2022, San José Police and CDCR were both in the process of significantly modifying
their early intervention systems.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 57
April 2022
During our review, San José Police and CDCR were both in the
process of significantly modifying their early intervention systems,
the current versions of which are limited and not well documented.
The new systems appear promising; for example, San José Police
is conducting a pilot project in partnership with an entity that
offers a predictive model to determine officer risk levels, followed
by actionable alerts and interventions. However, because San José
Police and CDCR had not implemented these modified systems at
the time of our review, the remainder of this section focuses on our
assessment of the early intervention systems at Los Angeles Sheriff
and Stockton Police.
Los Angeles Sheriff has had an early intervention system, which it
refers to as its performance mentoring program, since the 1990s as
a result of external oversight measures. In response to an increase
in shootings by Los Angeles Sheriff officers, the county board
of supervisors in December 1991 appointed a special counsel to
conduct a review of Los Angeles Sheriff’s policies, practices, and
procedures. The special counsel’s resulting report described a
number of problems, such as excessive uses of force, and made
several recommendations, including that Los Angeles Sheriff
develop an early intervention system. Los Angeles Sheriff has
since developed and implemented that system, which has been the
subject of subsequent reviews by the special counsel. Likely because
of that oversight, its system was the most robust we reviewed,
although it had limitations that we describe below.
To implement effective early intervention systems, departments
must first collect quality information about officers’ behavior. One
type of data is especially critical for identifying potentially biased Data on the demographics of
behavior: data on the demographics of individuals whom officers individuals whom officers stop,
stop, detain, search, arrest, or take other actions against (stops detain, search, arrest, or take
data). Stops data are useful because they encompass common other actions against is especially
interactions officers have with the public.9 Other data, such as critical for identifying potentially
complaints data and use-of-force data, represent far less frequent biased behavior.
encounters. According to the RIPA Board, the 15 largest law
enforcement departments in California reported almost 4 million
total vehicle and pedestrian stops in 2019, compared to just 41,000
uses of force and 7,200 public complaints. In other words, these
data suggest that at least 98 percent of reported stops did not
include a reported use of force or public complaint. Because of
the quantity of stops data, they can reveal evidence of possible
bias that would be impossible to identify in the review of specific
9 Because CDCR officers work in custody settings, stops data are more relevant to the local
departments. However, in addition to uses of force and complaints, other data on interactions
between officers and incarcerated individuals—such as disciplinary actions that officers initiate
against incarcerated individuals—may also benefit CDCR's early intervention system.
58 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
complaints or isolated incidents.10 In fact, the RIPA Board found that
in 2019, officers from the 15 largest law enforcement departments in
California were more likely to search Black and Latino individuals
than white individuals but that these searches were less likely to
reveal contraband than searches of white individuals.
The overall breadth of data that the departments use in their systems
is mixed. None of the four local departments we reviewed uses
stops data in their current early intervention systems. Stockton
Police is particularly limited in its approach: the only indicator it
uses to identify officers who may need intervention is the number
of complaints it has received about them. Although complaints
are a recommended component of early intervention systems,
relying on them alone is a reactive and limited approach. By their
nature, complaints occur after possible misconduct has already
occurred, while the goal of an early intervention system is to
intervene to support officers before they act or react poorly to the
situations in which they find themselves. The lieutenant in Stockton
Police’s professional standards section—which oversees its early
intervention system—stated that the system’s use of complaints
as its only indicator is archaic and that adding other data, such as
data on uses of force, would be helpful. He generally attributed
the current system’s limitations to disjointed data systems and the
absence of policies or procedures to include various data in the early
intervention system.
Los Angeles Sheriff has also not incorporated stops data into its
early intervention system, even though its special counsel has
recommended that it do so since at least 2003. A recent effort to
review these data at two of Los Angeles Sheriff’s 23 patrol stations
shows their potential value. Because of a settlement agreement
with US DOJ, researchers analyzed Los Angeles Sheriff’s stops data
from the two service areas for the first half of 2019. The published
results from September 2020 show that a few specific officers were
outliers with respect to certain racial disparities: these officers, for
instance, stopped Black individuals at higher rates than their peers
did. In their report, the researchers stated that although legitimate
explanations may exist for such findings, using stops data to identify
officers who exhibit problematic trends and may require targeted
intervention “is clearly an important managerial tool.” Nevertheless,
Los Angeles Sheriff has still not incorporated similar analyses into its
departmentwide early intervention system. The former captain of its
risk management bureau indicated that doing so could be beneficial
but will take time, resources, and negotiation to implement.
10 In isolation, stops data likely will not prove that officers have engaged in biased conduct, as other
factors can also contribute to demographic disparities. However, early intervention systems are not
designed to prove that officers are biased. Rather, they are meant to identify officers who might
benefit from corrective action.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 59
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The purpose of an early intervention system is not punitive, but The purpose of an early intervention
rather to educate and guide officers to improve their performance. system is not punitive, but rather
Accordingly, the nature of the interventions can vary widely and to educate and guide officers to
may include mental health services, training, or reassignment. improve their performance.
However, neither Los Angeles Sheriff nor Stockton Police has
outlined a range of specific intervention options or provided
guidance to its staff about which interventions may work best to
address particular behaviors. Stockton Police’s policy lacks any
requirement for supervisors to analyze or articulate the officers’
specific behavioral issues when deciding on interventions. As
a result, Stockton Police’s documentation for its interventions
mostly consists of one-page memorandums noting that a
supervisor met with the identified officer to explain that the
officer had been flagged by the early intervention system. Stockton
Police’s professional standards section lieutenant confirmed that
these memorandums are general in nature and indicated that
documenting an adverse comment about an officer outside of the
formal disciplinary process could be problematic. Although we
agree that early intervention systems should not be disciplinary in
nature, the systems should still document specific trends in officers’
conduct and include supports and education targeted to address
those trends. In fact, Los Angeles Sheriff documented intervention
plans, assigned mentors, and sometimes implemented targeted
trainings for flagged officers. Particularly when taken as a whole,
these steps make Los Angeles Sheriff’s interventions more likely to
achieve the desired behavioral changes.
Finally, if departments want to identify the effectiveness of their
interventions, they must monitor officers’ conduct following the
interventions. Los Angeles Sheriff’s process for doing so generally
aligns with best practices. Once it begins providing interventions
for an officer, it requires quarterly updates about that officer’s
progress that include narrative summaries and performance
metrics. At the conclusion of the intervention and monitoring
period, which can last up to two years, Los Angeles Sheriff requires
a memorandum documenting that the officer has met requirements
for removal from the program, such as achieving specific
performance objectives from the intervention plan. Our review
determined that Los Angeles Sheriff has generally implemented
this framework in an adequate fashion. By contrast, Stockton
Police has no formal process for monitoring the effectiveness of
its interventions. Consequently, its professional standards section
lieutenant indicated that unless Stockton Police placed an officer
on a performance improvement plan, which is uncommon, it
would not have any documentation regarding the outcomes of
its interventions.
60 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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The Legislature could take action to ensure that local departments
statewide are making use of stops data, given that doing so is
an effective means of proactively identifying indications of bias.
Departments must already collect stops data and report them to
DOJ. The RIPA Board, which performs analyses of the stops data
and issues public reports detailing the results, has recommended
that departments annually review information about officers’
individualized stops data and that departments identify officers
with outlier trends regarding stops and searches, in conjunction
with other performance metrics. However, it has not yet published
technical guidance about how departments should incorporate
stops data into an early intervention system. Such guidance could
be useful given the nuances and complexities of using stops data to
identify trends indicative of potential bias. The Legislature could
require the RIPA Board to develop and publish that guidance and,
as we describe in greater detail in Chapter 5, could require the
RIPA Board to provide oversight of departments’ implementation
of early intervention systems that effectively incorporate analysis of
stops data.
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California State Auditor Report 2021-105 61
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Chapter 4
THE LOCAL LAW ENFORCEMENT DEPARTMENTS DID NOT ADEQUATELY
INVESTIGATE AND ADDRESS POSSIBLY BIASED CONDUCT
Key Points
• The four local law enforcement departments we reviewed sometimes failed to
adequately investigate their officers’ possibly biased conduct.
• Many of the investigations we reviewed were narrowly focused on blatant signs
of bias, relied heavily on officers’ denials of bias, or did not account for how
officers’ conduct reasonably appeared.
• Without a sufficient framework for consistently identifying, investigating, and
tracking incidents of bias-related misconduct, law enforcement departments are
less able to properly address such cases and the public cannot know their true
prevalence.
• CDCR has historically used a decentralized complaint investigation process and
has not fully implemented body-worn cameras, both of which have left it unable
to adequately investigate and address biased conduct in its prisons.
The Four Local Departments Have Not Adequately Investigated Possibly Biased Conduct
Proper identification of and response to biased
conduct demonstrates that, in practice as well as in Formal Determinations for Law Enforcement
principle, departments are committed to mitigating Departments' Complaint Investigations
the effects of bias and building relationships of
trust with the communities they serve. Each of Sustained: The investigation disclosed sufficient
evidence to prove the truth of the allegation by a
the departments we reviewed has complaint and
preponderance of the evidence.
investigation processes that serve as its primary
Not sustained: The investigation failed to disclose
means for responding to instances of biased conduct.
sufficient evidence to clearly prove or disprove the
In accordance with state law, which requires allegation.
departments to have processes for handling and Exonerated: The investigation clearly established
reporting complaints by members of the public, each that the actions of the personnel are not a violation
of law or department policy.
department has established ways that its employees
or members of the public can submit complaints Unfounded: The investigation clearly established
that the allegation is not true.
regarding misconduct, including biased conduct.
Source: State law.
Each department’s policies direct how it should
respond to allegations of misconduct, which is often by
having its internal affairs unit investigate the allegations
and generally reach one of the four conclusions we list in the text box. State law requires
departments to use the preponderance of evidence standard when determining whether
to sustain an allegation, which means that departments must sustain an allegation if
62 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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the evidence supports that it is more likely to be true than not true.11
Each department’s policies indicate that sustained allegations typically
lead to formal discipline or corrective action.
Further, each department can also investigate possible misconduct
without receiving a complaint. For example, since January 2021 state
law has required law enforcement departments to have a policy
that provides a minimum standard on the use of force, including
the factors that the department will use to evaluate and review
all use-of-force incidents. Each of the four local departments we
reviewed has procedures that direct it to perform investigations into
officers’ conduct after they use force against members of the public.
Each of the four local departments We reviewed a selection of misconduct investigations and found
whose misconduct investigations that in the investigations we selected, each of the four local
we reviewed failed to consistently departments failed to consistently conduct thorough and rigorous
conduct thorough and rigorous investigations of possible biased conduct by their officers.12
investigations of possible biased Among the 20 investigations we selected for review, there were
conduct by their officers. only two—both at San José Police—in which a department reached
a sustained determination specific to biased conduct, meaning that
it determined that biased conduct had occurred. The investigations
often exhibited multiple, interrelated problems. Figure 8 shows the
key deficiencies we identified in the departments’ investigations,
each of which we discuss further in following text.
To determine how well the four local departments have responded
to possible biased officer conduct, we assessed five investigations
that each department conducted. Our selection process
involved reviewing the allegations and basic facts of hundreds
of investigations. Some did not include a fact pattern for which
further investigation was likely to reveal biased conduct by the
officers involved. For example, we came across investigations in
which a complainant alleged that officers had engaged in biased
conduct during a traffic stop or other detention. However, the
fact pattern did not contain additional details to support the
complainant’s belief and there appeared to have been a violation
of law that reasonably explained that specific stop or detention.
Because we did not randomly select the 20 investigations we
ultimately assessed, the frequency with which we found possible
biased conduct or investigative deficiencies among these
20 investigations is not projectable to all of the investigations
these departments conducted.
11 This standard is commonly used in court proceedings about civil matters. It is a lower burden of
proof when compared to other standards such as the clear and convincing evidence or beyond a
reasonable doubt standards.
12 We discuss our review of CDCR’s bias‑related investigations later in this chapter.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 63
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Figure 8
Because of Deficiencies in Their Investigations, the Local Law Enforcement
Departments We Reviewed Failed to Recognize and Address Potentially
Biased Conduct
Departments’ Investigations
of Potentially Biased Conduct
Exhibited Key Deficiencies:
!Focused on !Relied on officers’
blatant bias only Explanations
Departments often overlooked Departments sometimes relied
or dismissed subtle signs of heavily on officers’ denials of bias
bias, suggesting that they were and explanations for their intent,
focused on racial slurs or other which is a poor investigative
signs of explicit bias. practice.
!Failed to Consider !Prematurely dismissed
How Conduct complaints
Reasonably Appeared Some departments dismissed
complaints of bias after
Departments often failed to
conducting only limited reviews
adequately consider the
that overlooked concerning
appearance of officers’ conduct
elements of the officers’ conduct.
from the perspective of a
reasonable person.
Source: Analysis of a selection of misconduct investigations at each local law enforcement
department and best practices from sources such as the US DOJ.
In addition, one reason we did not select some of Los Angeles
Sheriff’s investigations for review was that it did not have body-worn
cameras in place at the time of the incidents. The lack of body-worn
camera footage likely limited our ability to identify biased conduct at
this department. For instance, in one case we did select for review,
an officer mocked a Spanish-speaking individual using Spanish
phrases and a fake accent, yet the video evidence showing that this
conduct had occurred was available only because the officer chose
to record the incident on a personal cell phone. Los Angeles Sheriff’s
inspector general reported that in October 2020 Los Angeles Sheriff
began deploying body-worn cameras for its patrol officers, and a
lieutenant in its body-worn camera unit stated in March 2022 that
the department had deployed cameras for its patrol officers and
was finishing implementation within other specialized units. The
lieutenant indicated that Los Angeles Sheriff does not currently have
a plan or policy for using body-worn cameras in its custody settings
but may develop one based on a current pilot project of 50 body-worn
cameras at its Men’s Central Jail.
64 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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We concentrated our selection on investigations in which the fact
pattern of the related incident presented reasonable questions—
questions that an investigation of the incident would be able to
resolve—about whether bias had influenced an officer’s conduct.
These include some of the incidents we describe in Chapter 1, in
which officers exhibited bias toward members of the public. Many,
but not all, of our selected investigations included complaints from
members of the public.
Each Department Focused Heavily on Blatant Signs of Bias but
Overlooked Other Indicators
The four departments’ investigations often overlooked or dismissed
more subtle indicators of possible bias, suggesting that the
departments were focused on only the most direct signs of bias—
such as the use of racial slurs or other overt demonstrations of bias.
However, as we explain in the Introduction, the effects that bias
can have on behavior vary widely and its presentation can, at times,
be subtle. This is especially true for implicit biases. Officers who
It is important for departments genuinely believe they are unbiased may still make statements or
to look for more nuanced signs take actions that are influenced by their implicit biases. Therefore, it
of the influence of bias in officers’ is important to look for more nuanced signs of the influence of bias
statements and actions. in officers’ statements and actions.
An investigation from one department that we reviewed typifies our
concerns in this area. In this investigation, a member of the public
submitted a complaint that an officer’s social media posts had
exhibited prejudices. We reviewed the posts that the department’s
investigation documented and found one that promoted a negative
stereotype about Black parents and another that reposted an article
that implied all Syrian refugees were terrorists. Although the posts
did not contain racial slurs, they demonstrated that, at a minimum,
the officer likely lacked awareness about common racial or ethnic
stereotypes. They also raised questions about whether those
stereotypes could affect how the officer might treat members of the
demographic groups in question.
Nonetheless, the department’s investigation did not analyze
the stereotypes that the officer’s posts promoted. Instead, the
department concluded that it was “unable to find any racially
derogatory remarks” in the posts and, as a result, concluded
the allegation of prejudice was “clearly false.” The department
closed this investigation without providing the officer with any
formal corrective action. When we raised these issues with
the department, a lieutenant involved in monitoring complaint
investigations did not provide a comment about the specific case
and instead stated that it is difficult to determine whether an
employee displayed implicit bias short of self-admission. In the next
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 65
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section we discuss the limitations of relying on officer admissions
of bias, and later in this chapter we discuss a framework that
could help departments’ investigators more consistently recognize
possible indications of bias.
The Departments Relied Heavily on Officers’ Denials of Bias
Another issue with some of the investigations we reviewed was
investigators’ reliance on officers’ after-the-fact statements about
the intent behind their conduct. We identified this problem at
Los Angeles Sheriff, San José Police, and Stockton Police. For
example, in two investigations we reviewed, Stockton Police asked
officers whether their behavior was motivated by bias
but did not document any additional analysis about
whether the officers had acted in a biased manner. Example of the Limited Usefulness of
We did not find this problem at San Bernardino an Officer's Denial of Bias During an
Police because the records we reviewed included no Investigative Interview
evidence that the department had directly questioned
the related officers about whether their conduct had Investigator: Did you mention to [the complainant]
that you were handcuffing him because he was
been motivated by bias.
Mexican in a white neighborhood?
Officer: No.
Relying heavily upon officers’ denials of bias is a
Investigator: Was there a reason why he was so
poor investigative practice. Officers who have acted
concerned, he kept bringing up repeatedly, stating
out of explicit bias are unlikely to admit it if they he was being stopped by white officers?
believe such an admission would result in discipline.
Officer: I have no idea why.
On the other hand, officers whose actions were
Investigator: Okay. Are you racist against Hispanic
influenced by implicit bias are likely unaware of this
people?
bias and thus also unlikely to admit to it. The text box
Officer: No.
provides an example of the limited usefulness of an
Investigator: Was your reaction to [the
officer’s after-the-fact denial that bias played a role in
complainant’s] behavior—so was your reaction to
his actions. his behavior based on his race?
Officer: No.
An investigation that Stockton Police conducted of
Investigator: Was it based on his actions?
the encounter that we depict in Figure 9 is another
Officer: His actions, yes.
example of the deficiencies of this approach. Much
Investigator: Okay. I think we’ve discussed that
of the incident involved two officers arguing with
enough.
a Black man about whether they had detained
The department determined that the allegation
and searched him because he was Black. After the
of bias against this officer was unfounded, and its
incident, the man filed a complaint alleging that the determination was based on the officer’s denial
officers had engaged in racial profiling. Nonetheless, and a review of the body-worn camera footage.
However, the department did not document a
Stockton Police did not perform an analysis of
review of the potential effects of implicit bias on the
whether bias influenced the officers’ actions. Instead,
officer’s conduct.
it simply asked the officers whether race had been
a factor in their actions, and then assessed whether Source: Audio file from one of the department's
misconduct investigations.
their conduct had violated other policies, such as its
policy requiring professionalism.
66 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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WARNING: This figure contains content that readers may find disturbing.
Figure 9
An Example of a Complaint Investigation That Failed to Thoroughly and Objectively Evaluate Whether Bias Was Present
Two Stockton Police officers While one officer finalized the traffic stop, the other
conducted a traffic stop in a parking approached another vehicle parked in the lot. A Black
lot that served local businesses. man was sitting inside.
When the man declined to answer “Are you on probation After an initial few questions,
or to provide identification, or parole or anything?” the officer asked the man a
question he had not asked of
the officer detained the man
the non-Black driver in the
and searched his car, finding
traffic stop...
nothing illegal. The man
indicated, correctly, that
the officer had no lawful
authority to search his car.
One officer then told the man he would take him to
The man implied that officers “It’s okay if you
jail if he didn’t leave the parking lot. When the man
were treating him this way want to play the
refused to leave, officers arrested him, took him to
because of his race. race card.”
a holding facility, and towed his vehicle.
Stockton Police later found that the
officers had no authority to search the
man’s car, arrest him, or tow his vehicle.
The man attempted again to explain that he
thought he had been mistreated. The man
referenced Martin Luther King and continued to
STOCKTON POLICE’S CONCLUSIONS:
speak with the two officers about issues of
policing, race relations, and whether the man “[One officer] became engaged in a respectful disagreement
had done anything wrong. Officers made the
over the claim that [he] was racist. There was no evidence
following remarks to the man...
uncovered during this investigation that [this officer]...acted
“You continually play the race card...It’s fake.” in an abrasive manner.”
“You are a racist.” “[The other officer] did not yell or curse and maintained a
“[Martin Luther King] would be offended at professional demeanor...[this officer was] engaged in a
what you’re saying right now.” mutual discussion about a topic that invariably becomes
heated and emotional.”
“Martin Luther King would be very, very [pause]
rolling over in his grave right now, sir.”
“As a human being...it’s pre y
As discipline, the officers received letters
disappointing how racist you are.”
of reprimand for making an unlawful arrest but
did not receive any discipline or corrective
action related to bias or professionalism.
In its complaint investigation, Stockton Police...
• Relied on the officers’ statements about whether their conduct was biased.
• Did not document an analysis of whether bias could have influenced the officers’ behavior.
• Did not conclude that the officers had behaved unprofessionally.
Source: Misconduct investigation file and body‑worn camera footage.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 67
April 2022
When we shared our concerns with Stockton Police, the lieutenant
in charge of its professional standards section did not disagree
with our conclusions about the lack of analysis in this investigation.
However, when we described the indications of bias or deficient
cultural awareness, some of which we illustrate in Figure 9, the
lieutenant again cited the officers’ denials of bias. He further
stated that their conversation with the man had not been rude or
discourteous, and that the officers had the right to defend themselves
in a professional and appropriate manner. We disagree with the
notion that the officers behaved professionally and appropriately
during that conversation or at other points in the encounter.
The Departments Did Not Consider the Reasonable Appearance of
Officers’ Conduct
Because biases are not always demonstrated in clear and simple
ways and are not always consciously held, one approach to One approach to determining
determining whether they have influenced an officer’s behavior whether biases have influenced
is considering how a reasonable third party would perceive that an officer’s behavior is considering
behavior. This approach allows a department to evaluate the how a reasonable third party would
presence of bias in a way that incorporates the likely perspective of perceive that behavior.
the community a department serves. It is already a best practice for
identifying and mitigating bias related to hate crimes, workplace
discrimination, and legal proceedings. In fact, the departments
we reviewed have even standardized this approach for assessing
other possible policy violations, such as unbecoming conduct or
workplace sexual harassment. Nevertheless, in several of the cases
we reviewed, the local departments failed to reach conclusions
that incorporated the reasonable appearance of officers’ conduct.
Instead, their conclusions reflected much narrower thresholds for
determining whether the officers’ behavior was problematic.
Figure 10 illustrates an example of how narrow considerations
affect the quality of an investigation. In this investigation of an
encounter between two officers and a member of the public, the
department in question concluded that the officers did not say or
do anything “a reasonable person could believe” would indicate that
the complainant’s race or ethnicity played a role in the encounter.
However, the department’s analysis was flawed. As the figure shows,
one officer in particular made statements to the complainant that
could reasonably be understood to be connected to his ethnicity,
such as asking for the man’s “papers” and mocking his complaints
about the encounter as a “Telemundo special.” However, during
its investigation, the department took the officers’ explanations
for these statements at face value and used flawed reasoning to
conclude that the conduct had not been influenced by bias. For
example, the department acknowledged that the phrase “papers”
has a context specific to immigration, but because this encounter
68 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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was not related to immigration, it dismissed the possibility that the
officer—even unconsciously—might have used that specific term
because of the complainant’s ethnicity.
The department similarly concluded that the officer could not have been
influenced by bias when he made the “Telemundo novela” and related
comments because he was of Mexican descent, had grown up with his
family watching novelas on television, and stated that he did not make
the comments “with malice or in a demeaning manner.” However,
that logic focuses on intent and does not consider how the comments
reasonably appeared in the context in which they were actually
made—a context in which the complainant did not know the officer’s
personal habits and in which the officer was mocking the complainant.
Further, as we note in the Introduction, people can possess implicit
biases about others with whom they share key identity characteristics.
When we asked the department for its perspective on this case, the
lieutenant in charge of the unit responsible for investigating complaints
did not wish to comment because he was not in that unit at the time and
did not think it appropriate to comment on other investigators’ analyses.
Finally, in two of the investigations we reviewed, the departments failed
In two of the investigations we to hold officers accountable to basic expectations of professionalism
reviewed, the departments failed to and courtesy toward the public, casting doubt on the departments’
hold officers accountable to basic objectivity in those investigations. In one of these investigations, an
expectations of professionalism officer encountered a man experiencing homelessness and immediately
and courtesy toward the public, drew his gun, began speaking in a raised voice and called him a
casting doubt on the departments’ “ding-dong.” Very soon thereafter, the officer proceeded to escalate the
objectivity in those investigations. situation by using force. As part of its review of the use of force during
the incident, the department acknowledged that the officer had used
“street terms” that “could be construed as condescending.” However, the
investigator did not believe the officer had intended to be discourteous
or disrespectful and stated that the officer “was merely in a very
stressful situation.” The investigator wrote that “although [the officer’s]
verbiage was certainly not textbook,” it did not rise to the level of a
policy violation.
A lieutenant who later reviewed the investigation’s conclusions noted
that the officer had used demeaning language that escalated the
incident. However, the department declined to counsel the officer or
apply corrective action because it did not complete its secondary review
until more than a year after the initial incident—in part because the
original investigator did not respond in a timely manner to reviewer
notes directing the investigator to incorporate an assessment of the
officer’s use of proper tactics and communication. According to a
sergeant in the unit responsible for investigating complaints, the officer’s
behavior in this incident appeared aggressive and demeaning, and his
use of force was questionable. The sergeant stated that the review should
have led to a formal internal investigation into why the officer escalated
force and whether he had exhibited any possible biases.
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WARNING: This figure contains content that readers may find disturbing.
Figure 10
Deficiencies in a Department’s Complaint Investigation Caused It to Overlook
Potentially Biased Conduct
A Latino man filed a complaint with a department,
alleging that he had been racially profiled.
Two officers responded to a call from a concerned member of the public
who reported possible suspicious activity. While at the scene, the
officers immediately engaged in this dialogue.
“Somebody called, man, they think you’re
casing, and trying to burglarize places.”
“Why are you in this neighborhood?”
“What do you mean?
So you’re saying I’m burglarizing?”
“We don’t know that. We’ve had a
lot of burglaries here, so you match
the description of a lot of people
we’ve seen.”
After the officers asked him to The man expressed frustration
provide his ID, the man questioned about the way he was being treated.
why he needed to.
“Any country you have “That’s a lot of novela dude.
to provide your papers. Another Telemundo novela.”
This is a country, right?
“This is what you
You have to provide
call a novela. It’s a
your papers.”
Telemundo special.”
The department determined that the officers had made
no indications or statements that would cause a
reasonable person to believe the complainant’s race or
ethnicity played a role in the encounter. However, its
conclusions were based on unreliable evidence and
inadequate analysis of the issues. Its investigators:
! Relied on the officers’ denials of bias.
! Relied on the fact that officers had not mentioned the man’s
race or ethnicity as a factor during their investigation.
! Determined the “papers” comment was not problematic
because the officers had not explicitly mentioned immigration.
! Determined the “Telemundo novela” and related comments
were not problematic because the officer in question was of
Mexican descent, had grown up with his family watching
“novelas” on television, and concluded that he did not make the
comments “with malice or in a demeaning manner.”
The officer who made these comments received no discipline
or Corrective action related to bias.
Source: Review of investigation records and body‑worn camera footage.
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Three Departments Prematurely Dismissed Complaints Alleging Biased Conduct
Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino Police, and Stockton Police
sometimes conduct only cursory reviews of complaints from the
public. For example, San Bernardino Police allows investigators to
classify some reports about officer conduct as service complaints
if it determines the reports, even if true, would not represent a
violation of law or department policy. The sergeant in charge of
San Bernardino Police’s professional standards bureau explained that
service complaints generally focus more on the department’s overall
service than on possible misconduct by a particular officer. He further
explained that because service complaints are not likely to involve
misconduct on the part of officers, their reviews tend to require
less documentation. The department classified two complaints we
reviewed—both of which contained possible indications of racial bias—
as service complaints.
Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino Police, and Stockton Police each
prematurely dismissed at least one complaint alleging biased conduct
that we reviewed without addressing concerning elements of the cases.
In one case we reviewed, an In one of the cases, an officer made several questionable statements to
officer made several questionable a Black man, including accusing the man of playing the “race card.” The
statements to a Black man, but the officer further stated that he wished “we lived in a world, back in the
department marked the case as [19]60s and [19]70s, where we could feel comfortable”—a statement that
resolved without conducting any overlooks the negative experiences of many Black Americans during
formal analysis or drawing any that era. After the man suggested that a neighbor may have used a racial
formal conclusions related to bias. slur toward him, the officer indicated that doing so was protected as free
speech. The officer then proceeded to list aloud other derogatory slurs to
illustrate his point that distasteful speech was protected.
Although the incident contained multiple indications of possible biased
conduct or deficient cultural awareness on the part of the officer, the
investigative report consisted of a one-page summary indicating that
the officer had behaved appropriately. This summary included a brief
note that the investigator had told the officer he “did an excellent job”
but could have used “a different remark other than ‘race card,’” because
the complainant “could only focus on [that] remark.” Although the man
had submitted a formal complaint alleging that the officer had engaged
in biased conduct, the department marked this case as resolved without
conducting any formal analysis or drawing any formal conclusions
related to bias. A sergeant within the department’s unit that investigates
complaints agreed that it would have been beneficial to more formally
investigate this complaint. He indicated that one reason such an
investigation did not occur was because of a lack of guidelines about what
constitutes biased conduct—an issue we address in the following section.
Each local department we reviewed has a policy for conducting
lower-level reviews of some allegations of misconduct, such as reviews
by an officer’s chain of command rather than by internal affairs—
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and we recognize that this may be an efficient way to handle some
complaints. However, if a department uses lower-level reviews to
address complaints related to bias, those reviews should thoroughly
analyze whether biased conduct has occurred and adequately address
the concerns of the complaint. Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino
Police, and Stockton Police did not always do so in the cases we
reviewed. Stockton Police disagreed with our assessment that it should
have more fully investigated the complaint that we reviewed of which
it had performed only a lower-level review. However, San Bernardino
Police generally acknowledged that the investigations we reviewed
were deficient, and Los Angeles Sheriff provided us a revised complaint
routing form that would require a full internal affairs bureau
investigation for any allegations of bias or profiling.
The Four Local Departments Have Not Adopted a Framework for
Identifying Bias During Investigations
When examined as a whole, the deficiencies we
describe in the four local departments’ investigations
State law prohibits racial or identity profiling,
of bias demonstrate that these departments lack a which it defines as:
sufficient framework for investigating such issues.
Sufficient guidance for conducting investigations “The consideration of, or reliance on, to any degree,
actual or perceived race, color, ethnicity, national
would necessarily include a uniform definition for
origin, age, religion, gender identity or expression,
what constitutes biased conduct by officers and
sexual orientation, or mental or physical disability
factors that investigators should weigh in making their in deciding which persons to subject to a stop or
assessments. Nonetheless, the departments that we in deciding upon the scope or substance of law
enforcement activities following a stop, except that
reviewed lacked such guidance. In fact, San José Police
an officer may consider or rely on characteristics
was the only department to consistently reference a listed in a specific suspect description. The activities
bias-related policy in its investigations of misconduct. include, but are not limited to, traffic or pedestrian
stops, or actions during a stop, such as asking
Its policy defines bias-based policing in a way that is
questions, frisks, consensual and nonconsensual
similar to state law’s definition of prohibited racial or searches of a person or any property, seizing any
identity profiling, which the text box shows. property, removing vehicle occupants during a
traffic stop, issuing a citation, and making an arrest.”
Los Angeles Sheriff and San Bernardino Police also
Source: State law.
cite this definition in their bias-related policies;
however, unlike San José Police, they conducted
investigations of possible biased conduct without
analyzing whether the conduct met this definition. One reason for this
difference could be that San José Police’s investigation policies explicitly
list “bias-based policing” as one of a handful of categories that internal
affairs investigations could consider when analyzing officers’ conduct.
As we explain in Chapter 1, Stockton Police does not have a policy
specifically regarding biased conduct.
A statewide definition of biased conduct and a requirement that law
enforcement departments apply it during their investigations would
clarify expectations regarding what constitutes biased conduct. The
definition of racial or identity profiling in state law provides a useful
72 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
April 2022
starting point for such a definition. However, the definition is limited
to specific police activity and does not address other conduct, such as
officers expressing biased or prejudiced viewpoints on social media.
In addition, neither that statute nor the statute mandating that
departments have complaint investigation procedures specifies how
departments should approach their investigations of possible biased
conduct. For example, these statutes do not require departments to
initiate investigations and provide bias-specific analysis whenever
they notice possible indications of bias.
Figure 11 shows an example of how having such established
expectations might have altered one of San Bernardino Police’s
routine use-of-force reviews. In this incident, multiple statements and
actions indicated that the department should
have considered whether bias affected the
officers’ responses to the situation. However,
Examples of Criteria That Could
Help Departments Identify Bias the department did not do so. A requirement
to investigate for bias wherever indications
To identify the possible effects of bias on officer conduct, appear—and a uniform standard for what
law enforcement departments could consider the
constitutes biased behavior—might have
following questions:
prompted the department to undertake a more
• Did the officer make statements that reasonably appeared
thorough review. A sergeant in the department’s
to be related to an individual’s identity characteristic(s),
including coded language or other statements more professional standards bureau indicated that
subtle than slurs? other explanations, aside from possible biases,
• Did the officer make statements or take actions existed for the officers’ behavior; however,
that invoked any stereotypes related to identity the sergeant acknowledged that given the
characteristics?
circumstances of the incident, it would have
• Did the officer use or promote any symbols, objects, or been reasonable to formally assess whether
gestures that could imply bias or prejudice against certain
the officers’ conduct was indicative of possible
groups of people?
biases—and that guidelines for when to perform
• Does the officer have different identity characteristic(s)
these assessments would help.
than those in question?
• Would the officer have behaved the same way in a
similar situation involving a person with different identity Each department also lacks adequate criteria
characteristic(s)? for how to determine whether bias influenced
• Did the subject(s) and/or other witnesses perceive the officers’ conduct, directly affecting its ability
officer’s conduct as biased? to assess implicit bias and the reasonable
• Did the officer provide a reasonable explanation for the appearance of that behavior. The text box
conduct that takes into account the full circumstances outlines criteria that investigators could use
and is not an after-the-fact rationalization?
to more fully and consistently consider the
• Are there any other facts or contextual elements that
possible influence of bias on officer conduct.
suggest the officer may have engaged in conduct that
In the absence of such guidance, we observed
was influenced by a person’s identity characteristics?
that at San José Police—the only department
Source: Guidance from the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity we reviewed that consistently provided formal
Commission, the FBI, POST, and California Judicial Conduct Handbook.
analysis in its investigations about whether
conduct was biased—some investigative
analyses and conclusions differed widely from
one another for no discernible reasons. In three of the investigations
we selected for review, San José Police recognized how officers’
conduct reasonably appeared rather than deferring completely to the
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 73
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officers’ explanations of their intent, and it mentioned implicit bias
as a possibly relevant factor in one of those cases. In contrast, for
the remaining two investigations we reviewed, San José Police’s
analyses were flawed, largely because it did not adequately consider
the possible influence of implicit bias or how the officers’ behavior
reasonably appeared.
WARNING: This figure contains content that readers may find disturbing.
Figure 11
San Bernardino Police Failed to Consider the Possible Influence of Bias
Despite Indicators It May Have Been Present
Two officers used force to detain a Latina woman whose
family member had been involved in a traffic accident.
!Indications that Bias
May Have Been a Factor
1 The Woman’s Identity 2 Officers’ Failure to Obtain
Characteristics a Translator
The woman was Latina and spoke The officers spoke to the woman in English—
only Spanish, whereas the two officers relying on another family member to translate
spoke English. for them—and did not request an official
translator. The department later noted the
officers should have requested a translator.
3 Officers’ Assumptions
One officer later wrote that he 4 Officers’ Attitudes and
had believed the woman was Quick Escalation
“attempting to conceal evidence.”
The officers appeared frustrated with the
However, as the department later
woman for little reason. When the family
noted, the officers had no way of
member indicated that the woman did not
knowing whether they had properly
want to provide her identification, the officers
communicated with the woman.
immediately handcuffed the woman, during
which her face hit a pole, causing an injury.
The department found this use of force was
not appropriate.
Despite the concerning elements of this encounter,
San Bernardino Police conducted only a routine
use-of-force review and did not consider if bias had
affected the way these officers handled the situation.
Source: Investigation records and body‑worn camera footage.
74 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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In the absence of strong guidance about how to investigate possible
biased conduct, San José Police and the other departments we
reviewed risk treating both complainants and officers differently
from one investigation to the next. The lieutenant in charge of
San José Police’s internal affairs unit during our audit indicated that
facts and evidence differ from case to case but that guidelines in this
area could be helpful for investigators.
The local departments would Finally, the four departments would likely benefit from training their
likely benefit from training their investigators on how to identify biased conduct. The approaches
investigators on how to identify the departments sometimes took in the investigations we reviewed
biased conduct. suggest that investigators did not fully understand bias or its nuances.
In addition, a few of the investigations considered criteria that were
irrelevant to the question of whether conduct was biased, such as
the fact that officers maintained a calm demeanor. For instance, in
the case we describe in Figure 10 the department noted as a relevant
factor in its investigation that an officer had made comments “in a
casual manner.”
These shortcomings demonstrate that training about effective
investigations of biased conduct would be beneficial. At the time
of our audit, none of the departments indicated that they had
implemented training for their investigators specifically related to
identifying and analyzing biased conduct. Further, POST was not
aware of any statewide training specific to performing investigations
of possible biased conduct. Training on investigations of possible
biased conduct could supplement the broader training requirements
related to bias that we describe in Chapter 3.
Three of the Local Law Enforcement Departments Have Poorly Tracked
Their Bias Investigations, Obscuring the Extent of the Problem and
Reducing Public Transparency
Poor investigation practices of Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino
Police, and Stockton Police not only have impaired their
identification of individual instances of biased conduct but have also
hindered their ability to monitor the prevalence of biased conduct by
their officers. Accurate data on the frequency with which members of
the public allege that officers have exhibited bias, as well as how often
investigations sustain such allegations, can assist a department in
evaluating the extent to which bias is influencing its officers’ conduct
and damaging its relationships with the public. However, these three
departments’ failures to formally determine whether biased conduct
has occurred and to properly label their investigations has left them
unable to effectively track such incidents.
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In the investigations we reviewed, Los Angeles Sheriff,
San Bernardino Police, and Stockton Police often did not reach a
formal conclusion about bias even when the facts in a case indicated
that such a conclusion would be reasonable. When a department
performs a misconduct investigation, it generally identifies one or
more allegations of misconduct and relates those allegations to
specific policies that the officer may have violated. As we previously
discuss, San José Police’s investigators explicitly assess whether biased
conduct has occurred when performing investigations, likely in part
because its policies list “bias-based policing” as one of the categories
that internal affairs investigations should consider. In contrast,
the remaining three departments often limited their evaluations
to whether officers violated policies related to other issues, such
as professionalism or courtesy toward members of the public. For
example, Stockton Police mentioned in one investigation that an
officer’s social media post had “promoted negative racial/ethnic
stereotypes.” However, its final determinations and discipline were
related to its social media policy and its policy against “unbecoming
conduct,” obscuring the fact that the conduct appeared biased.
Each department has a system for electronically tracking Each local department has a
information related to its misconduct investigations, including system for electronically tracking
the specific allegations and their conclusions. However, because information related to its
Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino Police, and Stockton Police misconduct investigations, but
do not consistently make formal determinations of whether bias only one can more effectively track
occurred, they cannot effectively track or quantify the extent of the frequency with which it has
biased conduct. In contrast, San José Police can more effectively received complaints about bias
track the frequency with which it has received complaints about and how often it has substantiated
bias and how often it has substantiated these allegations. the allegations.
Beyond the internal problems that poor tracking creates for a
department, it also has external consequences. State law requires
departments to report information that DOJ requests, and to
fulfill its own responsibilities under state law DOJ has requested
departments to report complaints they receive from the public,
including those specifically alleging racial or identity profiling.
DOJ collects and publishes—and the RIPA Board analyzes—this
information, which provides a view of the extent of possible biased
conduct by officers throughout the State. However, during our
review it came to our attention that two departments we reviewed
reported inaccurate information to DOJ.
Specifically, lieutenants in Stockton Police’s professional standards
section stated that the department does not report all complaints
to DOJ. They indicated that Stockton Police does not report
complaints it designates for lower levels of review—such as
complaints for which a supervisor has determined that an officer
acted reasonably and within department policy—because these
complaints do not result in a formal finding. This practice is
76 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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problematic because it results in Stockton Police underreporting its
complaints. A log that Stockton Police provided us indicates that
in 2020 it recorded more than 35 lower-level complaints, including
more than 10 in which it noted that profiling was alleged. However,
Stockton Police reported only three complaints alleging profiling to
DOJ for that year.
Los Angeles Sheriff also appears to have reported inaccurate
information. DOJ data show that Los Angeles Sheriff reported it
had substantiated three bias-related allegations from 2016 through
2020. However, when we reviewed the cases that Los Angeles Sheriff
advised us it had reported, we found that none of the investigations
clearly reached sustained findings for biased conduct. In fact, two
stated explicitly that biased conduct had not occurred. A sergeant
in Los Angeles Sheriff’s professional standards division told us that
to report information to DOJ, an employee reassesses the details of
each case and makes judgments about which bias complaints should
be considered to have been substantiated. The sergeant indicated
that Los Angeles Sheriff is in the process of making changes to
better track its categorization of public complaints.
Because Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino Police, and Stockton
Police do not reliably make formal findings specific to bias or
track the investigations that include allegations of bias, they
If departments do not properly are at increased risk of failing to disclose records made public
make sustained findings for or track under recent changes to state law. Recently, the Legislature and
investigations of biased conduct, the Governor adopted statutory changes effective January 2022
they may not be able to adhere that require departments to disclose certain records related to
to the intent of recent changes to investigations of biased conduct that result in sustained findings.
state law. However, if departments do not properly make sustained findings
for or track investigations of biased conduct, they may not be able
to adhere to the intent of this law.
If implemented, our recommendations for establishing a uniform
definition of biased conduct, adopting guidelines for conducting
investigations of possible biased conduct, and providing training
for investigators on how to assess possible biased conduct will likely
curb problems with tracking and public transparency. In Chapter 5
we discuss additional recommendations related to independent
oversight of departments’ investigations that could also improve the
consistency of departments’ investigations and tracking efforts.
CDCR Is Beginning to Address the Significant Weaknesses in Its
Misconduct Investigation Process
CDCR has taken a decentralized approach to investigating
misconduct in its prison system, hindering its ability to assess
the extent to which its officers have engaged in biased conduct.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 77
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For instance, CDCR has allowed authorities at each prison the
discretion to investigate incarcerated individuals’ complaints of staff
misconduct or to elevate those complaints for review by CDCR’s
office of internal affairs. As a result, authorities at each prison have
been able to conduct inquiries into complaints from incarcerated
individuals, and unless they expected the misconduct to result
in adverse action, they could resolve the complaints themselves
without elevating them. CDCR also has not centrally tracked the
details of the complaints that prison authorities handled, instead
allowing each prison to do so on a standardized complaint log.
Because the handling and tracking of complaints has occurred in
part at the prison level, CDCR has had limited oversight of how its
prisons have dealt with allegations of biased conduct.
Because CDCR’s office of internal affairs has tracked only the
complaints that prison authorities chose to elevate to it, we
were limited in our selection of biased conduct investigations
to review. A number of the investigations we considered—and
four of the five we ultimately selected—involved allegations of
bias or discrimination that CDCR employees made about other
CDCR employees, sometimes involving alleged misconduct
toward incarcerated individuals. In each case we selected, CDCR
concluded that the officers had engaged in conduct related to
bias—such as making insults or engaging in harassment based on
identity characteristics—and imposed discipline. Our review of
these investigations did not identify any instances in which CDCR
overlooked or failed to investigate possible biased conduct.
However, the decentralized nature of CDCR’s complaint
process means there is a significant risk that complaints were
mishandled elsewhere in its system of 34 adult prisons. Indeed,
external oversight of CDCR has revealed key weaknesses in External oversight of CDCR has
prison authorities’ handling of complaints made by incarcerated revealed key weaknesses in prison
individuals. For instance, the Office of the Inspector General— authorities’ handling of complaints
which state law establishes as an independent entity responsible for made by incarcerated individuals.
oversight of CDCR’s misconduct investigations—reported in 2019
that over half of the 188 investigations it reviewed from the Salinas
Valley State Prison were inadequate and that 92 percent contained
at least one significant investigative deficiency, such as poor
interviewing techniques or a lack of objectivity. The Office of the
Inspector General noted that the complaint investigation process
at Salinas Valley State Prison was also in place at other prisons
statewide, and it recommended that CDCR consider “a complete
overhaul” of this process. Similarly, plaintiffs in an ongoing
lawsuit—which began in 1994 and which alleges discrimination
against incarcerated individuals with disabilities—have raised
concerns about CDCR’s process for investigating complaints
of misconduct.
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In response to these concerns, CDCR began reforming its
CDCR's new process, outlined misconduct investigation process. It filed emergency regulations
in regulations effective in effective January 2022 outlining a new process that, when fully
January 2022, appears to align implemented, will require a single centralized screening team
with past recommendations and to review every complaint alleging staff misconduct toward an
should resolve our primary concerns incarcerated individual or parolee and to make determinations
regarding its lack of oversight of about the level of review the complaints require. When this
misconduct complaints. screening team refers investigations to prison authorities to
conduct, CDCR’s internal affairs unit will review the investigations
for completeness and independence. These changes—which
appear to align with past recommendations from the Office of the
Inspector General—should resolve our primary concerns regarding
CDCR’s lack of oversight of complaints of misconduct toward
incarcerated individuals.
Under CDCR’s new process, prisons must refer to the office of
internal affairs allegations of officer misconduct toward incarcerated
individuals that include identity-based insults, identity-based
harassment, or discrimination. However, that referral process will
depend on CDCR’s screening team and prison-level investigators to
recognize conduct that falls into these categories. To consistently
identify and respond to instances of possible biased conduct by
officers, CDCR’s new investigation process would benefit from
including the elements we discuss earlier in this chapter as helpful
to local departments: using a clear and comprehensive definition of
biased conduct; employing specific criteria for determining when
conduct meets that definition, and documenting formal analysis
based on these criteria; and training its investigators on how to
analyze situations for possible bias. CDCR currently lacks formalized
criteria for how to investigate potential indications of bias. Further,
according to the chief of administrative operations in CDCR’s office
of internal affairs, all CDCR staff receive relevant training, such as
implicit bias training; however, CDCR does not provide training that
is specific to investigators.
Finally, a significant hindrance to CDCR’s investigations of biased
officer conduct is that CDCR has not yet fully implemented
body-worn cameras. That limitation has significantly impeded its
ability to substantiate indications of bias in certain cases involving
complaints from incarcerated individuals. For example, because
of conflicting witness interviews, in one investigation, CDCR was
unable to substantiate complaints alleging that officers used racial
slurs or other offensive language. It likely could have substantiated
or refuted these complaints with video evidence. According to
one CDCR investigation, multiple incarcerated individuals alleged
that an officer had used racial slurs, but the officer denied doing so
and other CDCR staff did not observe that he had. CDCR found
no additional evidence to substantiate the allegations, which it did
not sustain.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 79
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CDCR is in the process of implementing additional video
capabilities. In response to court orders resulting from the lawsuit
we mention earlier, CDCR has required officers at six of its 34 adult
prisons to use body-worn cameras, with four more prisons set to
receive body-worn cameras if the Legislature fully funds CDCR’s
budget change proposal for fiscal year 2022–23. In addition,
CDCR has already installed or has plans to install an audio-video
surveillance system (fixed cameras) at 22 adult prisons, some
of which also have body-worn cameras. Therefore, even if the
Legislature fully funds CDCR’s request for additional body-worn
cameras and fixed cameras—which includes $80.3 million in
one-time funding and $7.6 million in ongoing funding—24 adult
prisons would still lack body-worn cameras and 12 adult prisons
would lack both body-worn cameras and fixed cameras. These
institutions will be less able to substantiate or refute that their
officers have engaged in biased conduct.
According to an associate warden in CDCR’s division of adult
institutions, CDCR has not determined exact cost estimates for
expanding the use of body-worn cameras and fixed cameras, but
the 12 adult prisons that lack fixed cameras are in the beginning
stages of completing the necessary designs. The associate warden The benefits of body‑worn cameras
indicated that body-worn cameras generally cost less to deploy than make them particularly useful
fixed cameras. According to the chief of administrative operations for substantiating or refuting
in CDCR’s office of internal affairs, fixed cameras and body-worn allegations that officers have
cameras offer different advantages, and body-worn cameras are made biased comments toward
generally more useful for recording individuals’ statements and for incarcerated individuals.
documenting officers’ perspectives. These benefits of body-worn
cameras make them particularly useful for substantiating or
refuting allegations that officers have made biased comments toward
incarcerated individuals. CDCR’s associate warden estimated that
expanding the use of body-worn cameras to the remaining 24 adult
prisons could cost about $1 million to $2 million per prison initially,
along with ongoing annual operating expenses.
The Five Departments Do Not Have Processes to Consistently Impose
Discipline Targeted at Correcting Their Officers’ Biased Conduct
In some circumstances involving biased conduct, strong punitive
discipline—such as termination—is warranted. For example, a
department may determine that an officer’s conduct demonstrates
such strong bias that it renders that officer incapable of performing
his or her law enforcement duties fairly. But in other circumstances,
such as when an officer’s conduct is influenced by implicit biases,
a more beneficial approach may be corrective action—such as
training—that is meant to change the officer’s behavior. According
to US DOJ and state civil service guidelines, the goal of discipline
80 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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The goal of discipline should be to should be not to punish officers, but to correct their behavior—and
correct an officer's behavior, and creative alternatives to traditional punitive discipline may be most
alternatives to traditional punitive effective in doing so.
discipline may be most effective in
doing so. However, in 12 cases we reviewed in which departments sustained
allegations of misconduct but did not terminate the officer’s
employment, four of the five departments relied upon punitive
discipline alone to address the misconduct rather than using more
targeted corrective actions. For example, after CDCR found that an
officer had used a racial slur toward an incarcerated individual, it
imposed a yearlong salary reduction without any required training
or education. The officer indicated he had used the slur in response
to an incarcerated individual using it first, which had bothered the
officer. Corrective action may have helped the officer understand
why repeating the slur was problematic. Similarly, after Stockton
Police found an officer had made a social media post that “promoted
negative racial/ethnic stereotypes,” it only issued a written letter of
reprimand to the officer that did not mention bias or stereotypes
or explain why the officer’s post was problematic. Although these
types of disciplinary actions communicate to officers that their
behavior was unacceptable, punitive discipline will not, on its own,
educate officers about why their conduct was problematic or how to
avoid that conduct in the future.
The departments have also sometimes implemented targeted
corrective actions. San Bernardino Police, San José Police, Stockton
Police, and CDCR occasionally took these corrective actions in
some of the cases we reviewed. Although Los Angeles Sheriff did
not in the cases we reviewed, it has an education-based discipline
option that generally allows officers to choose to receive less
punitive discipline in exchange for completing other corrective
actions. These corrective actions can include attending specific
trainings, completing community service activities, or writing
research papers on topics related to their misconduct. The
department’s guidelines include options and instructions for
responding to different types of misconduct, such as alcohol-related
offenses or inappropriate communication, and its lists of suggested
courses include a course on cultural awareness for supervisors.
However, the guidelines do not specify how or when to apply this
framework to instances of biased conduct toward members of the
public. A lieutenant in Los Angeles Sheriff’s advocacy unit indicated
that the guidelines have not been updated since the department
adopted its bias-related policy in 2021.
None of the departments’ policies require the consistent use of
such corrective actions to address possible biased behavior—nor do
the policies specify which corrective actions may be most effective
for this purpose, such as specific training courses or specific
approaches to take when counseling officers. In general, individuals
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 81
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involved in investigations at most of the departments shared with
us that disciplinary decisions depend on the specific circumstances
of each case, or are made by other staff or leadership outside of
internal affairs. Nevertheless, requiring consistent use of targeted
corrective actions would help departments address biased conduct.
To provide consistent and appropriate discipline, US DOJ suggests
using a discipline matrix, which establishes in advance the range of
allowable discipline outcomes based on the type of policy violation.
CDCR has a formal discipline matrix and San José Police has a table
of discipline standards that similarly lists policy violations along
with ranges of discipline to be imposed, and both departments
have portions dedicated to biased conduct. However, these portions
rely entirely or heavily on punitive discipline, meaning that
pairing punitive discipline with more targeted corrective action,
like training or counseling, is optional. Los Angeles Sheriff also
has a discipline matrix, but it does not have a section specifying
discipline options for when officers engage in biased conduct
toward the public. Neither San Bernardino Police nor Stockton
Police uses a formal discipline matrix, although they indicated that
they have standardized disciplinary outcomes for certain types of All five departments should ensure
policy violations. To address our concerns, all five departments that their discipline policies require
should ensure that their discipline matrices or broader discipline consideration of nonpunitive
policies require consideration of nonpunitive corrective actions corrective actions whenever such
whenever such actions might effectively help address possible actions might effectively help
biased behavior, even in conjunction with punitive discipline. address possible biased behavior.
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California State Auditor Report 2021-105 83
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Chapter 5
ENSURING BROADER USE OF PRACTICES THAT ADDRESS BIAS WILL
REQUIRE STATE-LEVEL INTERVENTION
Key Points
• Local law enforcement departments—including some outside the scope of this
audit—have not proactively adopted best practices to address the threat that bias
poses to fair and impartial law enforcement.
• External reviews and oversight are effective measures for increasing
departments’ adoption of these sorts of best practices.
• We recommend three state-level interventions to increase law enforcement
departments’ transparency and accountability for addressing bias: requiring
departments to report additional information to the RIPA Board about their
policies and practices, formalizing DOJ’s existing reviews of departments,
and expanding local and statewide oversight of departments’ misconduct
investigations.
External Pressure Has Prompted Departments to Implement Bias-Related Reforms
As our report makes clear, the law enforcement departments we reviewed have not
addressed bias in their organizations in a comprehensive manner. Despite taking
beneficial steps in certain areas, each of these departments has deficiencies in its policies
and practices that limit their abilities to mitigate the effects of bias on the manner with
which officers perform their duties. Unfortunately, these deficiencies are not limited
to the departments we reviewed. DOJ has identified the need for several other local
law enforcement departments to improve in some of the same areas as we did during
our audit: hiring and recruitment, training, and complaint investigation. For example,
amid mounting public pressure for reform and after an officer-involved shooting death
of an unarmed Black man, the Sacramento Police Department (Sacramento Police)
asked DOJ to perform a review of certain aspects of its operations. DOJ found that
Sacramento Police needed to develop and implement a community outreach plan,
review and update its bias training, and improve its hiring and recruitment processes.
As the Sacramento Police example shows, local law enforcement departments
are more likely to embrace changes to their approach to combating bias when
significant external forces highlight the need for these reforms. In fact, some of the
departments we reviewed implemented some of their positive practices because of
lawsuits or external reviews. For example, Los Angeles Sheriff instituted its early
intervention system following an external review by a special counsel that the
county of Los Angeles Board of Supervisors appointed to investigate an increase in
officer-involved shootings. Similarly, the city of San José’s Office of the Independent
Police Auditor (San José Police Auditor)—an entity we describe in more detail later
in this chapter—has made several recommendations for improvement to San José
Police’s practices, which we saw the department later adopting as reforms.
84 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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The level of harm that bias within law enforcement departments
can cause to officers and to communities indicates that more should
be done to address this issue. As we describe in the Introduction,
officers are expected to provide essential services and protection,
and to do so, they are empowered in unique ways that other public
servants are not. Given the important position that officers hold, the
repeated documented failures of law enforcement departments to
sufficiently address bias, and the influence of external oversight on
prompting change, we propose three measures California can take
at the statewide level to address bias in policing. Figure 12 depicts
these recommendations.
Figure 12
Three State-Level Interventions Would Increase Law Enforcement
Departments’ Accountability for Addressing Implicit and Explicit Bias
RIPA Board DOJ
1Develop guidelines for local law 2Conduct regular reviews of
enforcement departments to individual departments to assess
report whether they follow best their practices for addressing
practices for addressing bias. bias. Complete a minimum
number of these reviews per year
and issue public reports.
3Set standards for local, third-party
oversight of law enforcement
departments’ investigations of
alleged biased conduct.
Publish an online dashboard
that shows which departments
across the State are following
the best practices.
Regularly audit investigations of
alleged bias at local law enforcement
departments that do not have
independent local oversight.
Source: Documents from the RIPA Board and DOJ, as well as conclusions drawn from our
audit findings.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 85
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The RIPA Board Could Increase Departments’ Public Accountability for
Addressing Bias
To promote greater transparency and accountability around local
law enforcement efforts to address bias, the Legislature could
require departments to regularly report whether they are adhering
to a standardized set of best practices. In performing our audit, we
found a large volume of information about the best approaches that
law enforcement departments can take to address bias. However,
we found little information about how widespread the use of
these practices is throughout the State. Increased transparency More visibility into local
could incentivize local departments to adopt policies or practices department practices would
that they would not have otherwise. Additionally, more visibility provide the public and
into local department practices would provide the public and policymakers with information that
policymakers with information that would assist them in holding would assist them in holding local
local departments accountable. departments accountable.
The RIPA Board is positioned well for maintaining and verifying
the information that the local departments would report. The
Legislature required DOJ to create the RIPA Board for the
purpose of eliminating racial and identity profiling, and for
improving diversity and racial and identity sensitivity in law
enforcement. State law already requires the RIPA Board to engage
in activities such as analyzing policies and practices to make policy
recommendations for eliminating racial and identity profiling. The
RIPA Board has also recently reviewed and analyzed indicators of
bias in stops data and civilian complaint data. Therefore, a statewide
effort to catalogue and verify the steps departments have taken to
address bias would be consistent with the RIPA Board’s existing
mission and activities.
For a statewide reporting effort to work optimally, the RIPA Board
would need to establish a uniform expectation of the policies
and practices that departments should use to combat bias. This
guidance would help departments ensure that they are being
comprehensive in their efforts. For example, in Chapter 3 we
discuss how law enforcement departments can design effective early
intervention systems to detect potentially problematic trends in
officer conduct. However, even Los Angeles Sheriff—which has the
most robust early intervention system among the local departments
we reviewed—has not adopted key elements that make such a
system work optimally. In addition, to ensure that the departments’
responses to the RIPA Board are accurate, the Legislature could
require that departments provide the board with copies of any
of the policies, procedures, or plans that they attest align with
the best practices. By establishing the expected components of a
department’s approach to combating bias, verifying a selection of
department practices, and publicly reporting on each department’s
86 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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adherence to those best practices, the RIPA Board would add a layer
of accountability and transparency that is missing from the State’s
current approach to addressing bias in law enforcement.
Expanding DOJ’s Reviews Could Improve Departments’ Implementation
of Best Practices
DOJ could more regularly perform in-depth reviews of individual law
enforcement departments and recommend improvements. Currently,
DOJ’s Civil Rights Enforcement Section is responsible for addressing
a broad array of civil rights violations including hate crimes, failure
to provide disability access, and police misconduct. This section
conducts reviews of many areas of law enforcement departments’
operations, including hiring, training, community engagement,
early intervention systems, complaint investigations, and discipline.
DOJ uses pattern or practice investigations to review agencies for
civil pattern or practice violations where there is evidence to suggest
systemic police misconduct. Similarly, through a mutual agreement,
DOJ conducts reviews of local departments’ adoption of best
practices. DOJ has also conducted more narrow reviews related to law
enforcement, such as a review it began in 2020 of Los Angeles Police
Department's use of the CalGang system.
DOJ's reviews generally result in stipulated agreements or public
reports that require departments to improve their operations. For
example, DOJ entered a 2020 agreement with Kern County Sheriff’s
Office that required that department to develop a written plan
that included strategies for recruiting a quality workforce and for
providing its officers annual training on community engagement
techniques. The agreement stipulated that the training must cover
establishing formal partnerships and actively engaging community
organizations such as those representing its youth, immigrant, and
LGBTQ communities. After entering the settlement, DOJ and Kern
County selected an independent monitor to oversee the department’s
implementation of the reforms in the agreement.
Despite the benefits of DOJ's Despite the benefits that these reviews offer, DOJ has performed them
reviews of law enforcement infrequently. From 1999 until March 2022, it had completed only
departments' practices, it has six—listed in Table 7—of city or county departments that examined
performed them infrequently. their broader policing practices, with another four ongoing. DOJ’s
reviews have primarily been pattern or practice investigations, which
depend on DOJ identifying reasonable cause to believe that a local
department has a pattern or practice of violating civil rights. To
conduct its other reviews, DOJ relies on mutual agreement with the
local department, making those reviews less frequent than its pattern
or practice reviews. DOJ will soon have additional authority under
state law to review certain police practices, but that authority will still
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depend on it being invited to perform those reviews. Specifically,
beginning in July 2023—subject to appropriated funding—state law
will require DOJ to operate a police practices division that reviews
law enforcement deadly force policies when a law enforcement
agency requests such a review.
Table 7
DOJ Has Reviewed Police Practices Since 1999
DATE DEPARTMENT REVIEW TYPE
2001 Riverside Police Department Pattern or Practice Investigation
2009 Maywood Police Department Pattern or Practice Investigation
Sacramento Police Department
2019 Mutual Agreement
(Phase 1)
Sacramento Police Department
2020 Mutual Agreement
(Phase 2)
2020 Kern County Sheriff’s Office Pattern or Practice Investigation
2021 Bakersfield Police Department Pattern or Practice Investigation
Source: DOJ reviews of law enforcement departments and resulting judgments and reports.
Given the value that these reviews provide to both law enforcement
departments and the public, we believe that DOJ should complete
them on a more regular basis. Additionally, to ensure that DOJ
performs these reviews for the departments that will benefit most,
it should be required to develop selection criteria. For example,
when selecting which departments to review, DOJ could consider
the information departments report to the RIPA Board, the
frequency and type of their officer misconduct allegations, and
other factors.
An Independent Review Process Could Ensure That Law Enforcement
Departments Adequately Investigate Their Officers’ Misconduct
Among the four local law enforcement departments we reviewed,
only San José Police and Los Angeles Sheriff have processes for
independent review of the quality of their misconduct
investigations. According to the city of San José’s website, its city
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council established the San José Police Auditor in 1993.13 The
text box shows its key authorities and responsibilities. Similarly,
Los Angeles Sheriff has an Office of the Inspector General and
constitutional policing advisors, both of
which can access records and review
The San José Police Auditor's investigations. However, because the San José
Key Responsibilities and Authorities Police Auditor was the only entity whose
review was clearly noted in and had impact
• Receives complaints directly from the public, which it
upon the specific case files we selected, we
then forwards to San José Police for investigation.
focus much of this section on that entity.
• Participates in internal affairs interviews of the officers
involved in complaints.
The San José Police Auditor reports to the city
• Reviews San José Police’s misconduct investigations to
determine if they are complete, thorough, objective, council. It reviews a significant percentage of
and fair.* San José Police’s misconduct investigations
• Requests further investigation—by contacting the chief to determine whether they are complete,
of police and the city manager, if necessary—when it thorough, objective, and fair. Its feedback
determines further investigation is warranted.
resulted in meaningful improvement to a
• Publishes its opinions about San José Police’s investigative
San José Police investigation of a complaint
conclusions in public annual reports. These reports also
of biased conduct. In that case the San José
summarize complaints and investigative outcomes and
include policy recommendations. Police Auditor raised concerns that San José
Police had not adequately examined whether
Source: San José City Charter, San José Code of Ordinances, and
statements that an officer made during an
San José Police Auditor reports and webpages.
interaction with a member of the public had
* The San Jose Police Auditor receives every misconduct
investigation that San Jose Police's internal affairs unit conducts. shown bias. In response to this feedback,
However, it is only required to review investigations that include San José Police reopened the investigation
excessive or unnecessary force allegations, as well as at least
and reexamined the evidence in the case.
20 percent of all other investigations. In its 2020 report, the
San José Police Auditor stated that it audited a total of 76 percent
of all investigations.
Following this reexamination, San José
Police changed its conclusion about the
bias allegation against that officer from
unfounded—which indicates the allegation was clearly false—to not
sustained, meaning that San José Police could not clearly prove or
disprove the truth of the allegation. In that same case, the San José
Police Auditor’s feedback also caused San José Police to add and
analyze a new allegation against the officer related to a possible
improper search and seizure. For that new allegation, San José
Police reached a sustained finding and indicated it took corrective
action in the form of training and counseling. These significant
changes were a direct result of the San José Police Auditor’s input.
We identified some weaknesses in the San José Police Auditor’s
authority and approach. Most importantly, San José Police
sometimes disagreed with and declined to implement key feedback
from the San José Police Auditor. Specifically, for two cases we
reviewed, San José Police determined that allegations of biased
13 Voters then added the San José Police Auditor to the city charter in 1996, and in 2020 voted
to expand its authority and access to records, such as by allowing it to review misconduct
investigations initiated by the department without a public complaint.
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conduct were unfounded despite indications of bias, and despite the
San José Police Auditor raising concerns with the internal affairs
unit about its conclusions. In such situations, the San José Police
Auditor has the authority to bring its concerns to the chief of police
and the city manager. However, it did not do so in these cases.
The San José Police Auditor stated that the primary reason it has
not elevated its concerns more frequently is that it sometimes has
had minimal time to review investigations. State law generally
requires law enforcement departments to resolve investigations
of officer misconduct within one year of the date they discover
the misconduct if they wish to take disciplinary action. It does
not include any exceptions that explicitly grant specified time for
independent oversight entities to review those cases.14 In one case
in which the San José Police Auditor did not elevate its concerns,
San José Police sent the investigation to the auditor with about
two and a half months remaining in the one-year time frame
prescribed by state law.
In April 2021, the city of San José and the San José Police
Officers’ Association agreed that, until at least June 2022, the
police department must send its investigations to the San José
Police Auditor for review within nine months. This time frame
guarantees the San José Police Auditor at least three months to
elevate its concerns related to each case. According to the San José
Police Auditor, this change has increased its ability to review
investigations and make necessary appeals. However, it stated
that it would be able to pursue more appeals if it had more time
to review investigations.
Despite these limitations, the San José Police Auditor has increased
the transparency and accountability of San José Police’s misconduct
investigation process, including in its investigations of bias.
With the proper guidelines in place, independent oversight like
that provided by the San José Police Auditor could help improve
accountability in investigations of bias-related misconduct
throughout the State. As we describe in Chapter 4, departments
have frequently struggled to identify indications of bias, and their
investigations at times caused us to question whether they had Implementing an independent
viewed officers’ behavior objectively. Implementing an independent review process for bias‑related
review process for bias-related misconduct investigations across misconduct investigations across
the State would likely improve how well departments handle such the State would likely improve
allegations and promote increased public trust in departments’ how well departments handle
complaint resolution processes. such allegations.
14 Exceptions to the one‑year time period in state law include, among others, a reasonable
extension for investigations that involve more than one employee and suspending the time
period when investigations involve a matter in civil or criminal litigation.
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In 2019 US DOJ recommended that law enforcement departments
consider instituting routine, third-party audits of internal affairs
investigations to increase the public’s trust in the departments’
decisions. Because our review focused on investigations of possible
biased conduct, we do not know whether the departments we
reviewed regularly fail to adequately investigate other types of
officer misconduct. However, it is reasonable to assume that
external oversight would incentivize better performance of
those investigations as well. The goals and principles of effective
independent oversight, as described by US DOJ and the National
Association for Civilian Oversight of Law Enforcement (NACOLE),
relate to departments’ investigations more broadly, rather than just
bias-related investigations.15
One approach to a statewide oversight framework for misconduct
investigations would be to rely in part on existing local entities.
Many local governments across the nation have established
processes for independent oversight that appear similar to the
functions of the San José Police Auditor. These include California
localities smaller than those we reviewed, such as the city of
La Mesa. However, local governments have taken a wide variety
of approaches in instituting these processes—and, according to a
report by NACOLE, it is likely that no single model of independent
oversight will work for all jurisdictions.
We recommend the State adopt For these reasons, we recommend the State adopt a framework
a framework for oversight of similar to that in Figure 13. Under this approach, DOJ would be
law enforcement misconduct responsible for establishing criteria for successful local oversight
investigations. of law enforcement investigations, such as the criteria we detail
in Figure 13. For local governments that do not provide oversight
that meets these criteria, state law would require DOJ—which
already conducts broader reviews of some departments and
collects departments’ data on bias-related complaints—to audit the
associated law enforcement departments’ investigations of possible
biased conduct.
15 NACOLE is a nonprofit organization that is dedicated to promoting greater police accountability
through the establishment or improvement of citizen oversight agencies.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 91
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Figure 13
The State Could Implement Greater Oversight of Investigations of
Officer Misconduct
To increase transparency and accountability
for misconduct investigations statewide, the
Legislature should require DOJ to . . .
1 . . . establish guidelines for effective local
oversight entities.
EXAMPLE GUIDELINES
Entity is independent from the department and has full access to records.
Entity reviews all bias-related investigations.
Entity has sufficient time to review cases and request further investigation.
Entity makes public its findings and recommendations.
2. . . determine whether local oversight bodies
meet DOJ’s guidelines.
MEETS GUIDELINES DOES NOT MEET GUIDELINES
Full access. Full access.
Reviews all bias investigations. Reviews all bias investigations.
Sufficient review time. Sufficient review time.
Public reports. Public reports.
3. . . routinely audit bias-related investigations
at departments that lack third-party
oversight bodies that meet DOJ’s criteria.
DOES NOT MEET GUIDELINES
Source: Analysis of best practices and other reviews published by US DOJ, DOJ, and NACOLE;
public records related to local oversight entities; and San José Police Auditor documents.
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92 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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We conducted this performance audit in accordance with generally accepted government auditing
standards and under the authority vested in the California State Auditor by Government Code
section 8543 et seq. Those standards require that we plan and perform the audit to obtain sufficient,
appropriate evidence to provide a reasonable basis for our findings and conclusions based on the audit
objectives. We believe that the evidence obtained provides a reasonable basis for our findings and
conclusions based on our audit objectives.
Respectfully submitted,
MICHAEL S. TILDEN, CPA
Acting California State Auditor
April 26, 2022
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 93
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Appendix
SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY
The Audit Committee directed the California State Auditor to
evaluate the processes that CDCR and a selection of local law
enforcement departments use to vet law enforcement officers for
potential affiliation with hate groups and to address bias. As part of
this audit, we reviewed Los Angeles Sheriff, San Bernardino Police,
San José Police, and Stockton Police. The table below lists the
objectives that the Audit Committee approved and the methods we
used to address them.
Audit Objectives and the Methods Used to Address Them
AUDIT OBJECTIVE METHOD
1 Review and evaluate the laws, rules, and regulations Reviewed federal and state statutes, rules, regulations, and court cases related to
significant to the audit objectives. local law enforcement departments’ vetting of officers for potential affiliation with
hate groups and biased conduct.
2 Determine the actions state entities, such as • Interviewed staff and reviewed records at both DOJ and Cal OES. Verified that
DOJ and Cal OES, take to collect and maintain neither department tracks or maintains information about individuals based on
information about hate groups and their their beliefs or associations.
membership. Identify and assess any processes
• Reviewed information the local departments received from DOJ related to
these agencies employ in making information
criminal background checks.
about membership in such hate groups available
to local law enforcement agencies and CDCR for
employment screening purposes.
3 Assess the sufficiency of guidance—including that Collected and analyzed guidance and best practices regarding effective practices
from POST—provided to local law enforcement for identifying and addressing bias, including guidance related to recruiting diverse
agencies and CDCR related to diversity and applicants and screening for hate group affiliation during peace officer recruitment,
screening individuals for associations with hate hiring, and ongoing employment.
groups during peace officer recruitment, hiring, and
ongoing employment.
4 Determine whether any legal impediments or Reviewed relevant federal and state statutes, regulations, and court cases.
employment‑related issues exist that would
prevent local law enforcement agencies and CDCR
from identifying and making employment decisions
about peace officers and peace officer applicants
who are members or associates of hate groups,
including but not limited to any provisions in state
or federal law.
continued on next page . . .
94 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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AUDIT OBJECTIVE METHOD
5 For a selection of four local law enforcement • For the four local departments and CDCR, obtained and analyzed data on the
agencies, evaluate the agencies’ processes for diversity of the departments’ current personnel and, to the extent possible, the
the following: departments’ applicant pools.
a. Screening peace officer applicants for past or • Reviewed documentation of the departments’ policies and practices for recruiting
current membership in or association with hate diverse individuals and evaluated diversity‑focused recruitment efforts.
groups, collecting information about any such
associations, and reaching hiring decisions. • Reviewed the departments’ policies and procedures for screening peace officer
applicants during the hiring process. For a selection of five applicants at each
b. Monitoring to determine whether peace officers
department, assessed the degree to which the departments complied with state
develop associations with hate groups while
law and regulation and implemented best practices related to screening for
employed.
biased conduct, including affiliation with a hate group.
c. Recruiting and hiring peace officers who reflect
the agencies’ respective communities. • Collected and analyzed documentation regarding the departments’ efforts to
monitor for hate group affiliation or other potential signs of bias, including the
departments’ implementation of early intervention systems.
6 Assess whether the selected local law enforcement • Reviewed best practices for establishing cultures of fair and impartial policing,
agencies have implemented effective practices in including best practices related to recruiting, hiring, training, community
the following areas: engagement, early intervention systems, and internal investigation.
a. Training peace officers about bias and prejudice • Reviewed best practices and requirements for providing training regarding bias,
and the threats that bias and prejudice can including recommended frequency, content, and method of delivery. Evaluated
pose to effectively protecting and serving the effectiveness of each law enforcement department’s training on bias against
communities. identified best practices.
b. Implementing processes to identify biased
• Reviewed and evaluated each local department’s efforts to implement best
or prejudicial statements or actions by peace
practices regarding engaging and building strong relationships with its
officers—including those alleged in complaints
community.
against officers—and to intervene through
education, disciplinary action, or both. • For a selection of misconduct investigations at each local department and
c. Promoting a diverse and inclusive workforce and CDCR—many of which originated from complaints against officers—assessed
professional culture. whether the departments had taken adequate measures to investigate, identify,
and respond to indications of biased conduct. This review was designed to
assess departments’ responses to potential indications of biased conduct, not
to holistically review departments’ broader complaint intake and investigation
structures or processes.
7 For a selection of four local law enforcement • Reviewed records associated with complaint investigations and other internal
agencies and CDCR, do the following to the investigations of misconduct by peace officers to identify whether officers had
extent possible: engaged in biased conduct or were affiliated with a hate group.
a. Identify biased or prejudicial statements, • For a selection of about 750 officers across the five departments, used a
postings, or actions by peace officers, including contracted social media investigation company to identify public social media
but not limited to those alleged in official profiles belonging to those officers, and reviewed the officers’ public postings for
complaints. biased statements and evidence of affiliation with hate groups.
b. Identify past or current memberships,
associations, or participation in any known
hate groups.
8 Review and assess any other issues that are None identified.
significant to the audit.
Source: Audit workpapers.
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Assessment of Data Reliability
The U.S. Government Accountability Office, whose standards
we are statutorily obligated to follow, requires us to assess the
sufficiency and appropriateness of the computer-processed
information we use to support our findings, conclusions,
and recommendations.
In performing this audit, we relied on electronic data obtained
from the U.S. Census Bureau, CDCR, Los Angeles Sheriff,
San Bernardino Police, San José Police, and Stockton Police to
compare demographic information of the corresponding cities,
county, and State with the demographic information of applicants
and current sworn employees for each department. We reviewed
existing information about the data. As a result, we identified
limitations with some of the data. Specifically, demographic
information for applicants and officers at the departments is
self-reported and incomplete. Therefore, we found that this data
was of undetermined reliability for our purposes. Although
this determination may affect the precision of the numbers we
present, there is sufficient evidence in total to support our findings,
conclusions, and recommendations.
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DocuSign Envelope ID: B0F700D5-78CF-416C-B329-6790636FF69E
STATE OF CALIFORNIA — DEPARTMENT OF CORRECTIONS AND REHABILITATION GAVIN NEWSOM, GOVERNOR
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY
P.O. Box 942883
Sacramento, CA 94283-0001
April 4, 2022
Mr. Michael S. Tilden, Acting State Auditor
California State Auditor
621 Capitol Mall, Suite 1200
Sacramento, CA 95814
Dear Mr. Tilden:
The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) submits this letter in
response to the California State Auditor’s (CSA) draft report 2021-105 Peace Officer - Hate Group
Affiliation. We recognize the importance of creating an environment that acknowledges the
value of cultural awareness, while also reducing bias and eliminating any potential affiliations
with hate groups. CDCR continues to explore opportunities to ensure the proper screening of
individuals associated with hate groups during peace officer recruitment, hiring, and ongoing
employment. In addition, CDCR has developed and continues to enhance training for peace
officers focusing on bias and prejudice to ensure overall cultural mindfulness and promotion of a
diverse and inclusive workforce.
CDCR has reviewed the draft report and would like to note the following:
The cost to implement audio/video surveillance systems with fixed and body-worn cameras
varies depending on staffing levels, size, design, and age of the institution. CDCR has not
completed designs at all remaining institutions to determine exact costs estimates; however, we
can provide estimates based on the number of cameras in prior deployments. The number of
cameras deployed drives the cost of all downstream hardware, software/licensing, and service
costs. After the implementation of the projects in progress the current fiscal year, CDCR will have
completed the installation of fixed cameras at 12 of its 33 institutions (excluding California City
leased property) and 6 with body-worn cameras. CDCR has submitted a request for funding to
install fixed cameras at 10 institutions (total of 22) and body-worn cameras at 4 additional
institutions in the 2022-23 fiscal year (total of 10).
Example estimates based on number of fixed cameras (camera count may be higher or lower at
some institutions):
800 – 900 = $8.5M
900 – 1,000 = $9.4M
1,000 – 1,100= $10.3M
1,100 – 1,200= $11.2M
Example estimates based on number of body-worn cameras:
98 California State Auditor Report 2021-105
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Michael S. Tilden, Acting State Auditor
Page 2
350 – 450 = $1M
450 – 550 = $1.25M
550 – 650= $1.4M
650 – 750= $1.55M
These estimates do not include costs for staffing or infrastructure needs associated with
implementation, which would likely result in increased costs beyond the estimates cited above.
The body-worn camera estimates assume a fixed camera system exists at the site.
CDCR welcomes insights provided by the auditors and would like to thank CSA for its work on this
report. We take these matters seriously and will continue to work to create a diverse, inclusive,
and bias free workforce. CDCR generally agrees with the findings and will address the
recommendations in a corrective action plan within the timelines of the report. If you have
further questions, please contact me at (916) 323-6001.
Sincerely,
for
KATHLEEN ALLISON
Secretary
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 99
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*
* California State Auditor’s comments begin on page 105.
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Comments
CALIFORNIA STATE AUDITOR’S COMMENTS ON
THE RESPONSE FROM THE LOS ANGELES SHERIFF'S
DEPARTMENT
To provide clarity and perspective, we are commenting on
Los Angeles Sheriff’s response to the audit. The numbers below
correspond to the numbers we have placed in the margin of
its response.
Los Angeles Sheriff’s statement that establishing investigative 1
and disciplinary processes to address bias would be “difficult at
best” inappropriately characterizes such an effort as potentially
too difficult to achieve. Los Angeles Sheriff already has a bias-free
policing policy, which we discuss on pages 29 and 71. Therefore,
it is already incumbent on Los Angeles Sheriff to have a thorough
and consistent method for assessing whether its officers have
violated this policy. Although we acknowledge on page 71 that a
statewide definition of biased conduct would clarify expectations
for law enforcement departments, the lack of a statewide definition
does not leave Los Angeles Sheriff incapable of implementing
our recommendations for improvements to its misconduct
investigations. In fact, we provide specific guidelines for how it
should do so. In our recommendation on page 10 we list specific
elements that Los Angeles Sheriff’s definition of biased conduct
should include, such as specifying that biased conduct can result
from implicit as well as explicit biases, and that biased conduct
includes conduct on social media. We also list on page 72 examples
of criteria, based on our review of existing guidance, which could
help departments, including the Los Angeles Sheriff, identify bias.
In addition, as we state on page 81, Los Angeles Sheriff already has a
discipline matrix, but it lacks a section specifying discipline options
for when officers engage in biased conduct toward the public. To
address our concerns in that area, Los Angeles Sheriff merely needs
to ensure that its discipline matrix or broader discipline policies
specify options and expectations for corrective actions that are
designed to address biased conduct.
Los Angeles Sheriff indicates that it has processes for analyzing the 2
diversity of both its current officers and its applicant pool. However,
as we describe on pages 35 and 36, Los Angeles Sheriff was not
able to demonstrate that it does and the sergeant who oversees
the recruitment unit for the department indicated that it had not
performed that analysis in recent years because the unit had been
downsized. Until the Los Angeles Sheriff formalizes processes for
analyzing these data, it will be less able to assess the effectiveness
of its efforts to recruit and employ a workforce that reflects the
diversity of its community.
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3 Los Angeles Sheriff refers to actions that it began taking at the end
of our audit after we shared our findings and recommendations
with the department. We are glad to hear that the department is
taking positive steps toward implementing those recommendations,
and look forward to reviewing its progress.
4 Although we understand that the pilot project Los Angeles
Sheriff references could provide it with useful information about
implementing body-worn cameras in custody settings, we stand
by our recommendation on page 11 that Los Angeles Sheriff move
forward with implementing a time frame for equipping officers
in each of its custody settings with body-worn cameras. The
lack of body-worn camera footage at Los Angeles Sheriff likely
limited our ability to identify biased conduct, and expanding the
use of body-worn cameras in custody settings would improve
Los Angeles Sheriff’s ability to effectively investigate allegations of
officer misconduct.
California State Auditor Report 2021-105 107
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OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF POLICE
April 4, 2022
Michael Tilden, CPA*
Acting California State Auditor
621 Capitol Mall, Suite 1200
Sacramento, CA 95814
RE:San José Police Department Response tothe DraftofReport Number 2021-105
Dear Mr. Tilden:
Please see the following responses to the draft report findings and recommendations of the
California State Auditor’s report number 2021-105.
RECOMMENDATIONS AND RESPONSES
To improve its ability to recruit qualified applicants who reflect the diversity of its community, San
Jose Police should ensure it does the following:
Recommendation 1: By October 2022, have a process for regularly monitoring data on the
diversity of its current personnel, its new hires, and to the extent possible, its applicant pools. It
should use these data to evaluate the success of its recruitment efforts and identify need areas of
improvement.
The San José Police Department (Department)partially agrees with this recommendation.
A public-facing webpage showing the statistics of Department members’ voluntary self-
disclosed ethnic identification is in development. This information will be able to be
dissected by rankand gender,including those in the Police Academy. Applicant pool data
will not be posted to the website due to the constant influx and disqualification or
withdrawalof candidates.
When first applying to the Department, candidates are not asked to voluntarily disclose
their gender or ethnicity. Upon meeting the minimum qualifications, and after having
completed the written and oral assessments, candidates are provided the Personal History
Questionnaire. This is the first time candidates are asked to voluntarily provide their
gender and ethnicity. Neither gender, nor ethnicity disclosures by candidates are required,
and the ethnicity inquiry has the option of “decline to state.” Therefore, there is a
possibility a candidate may complete the entire application and hiring process without
* California State Auditor’s comments begin on page 115.
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choosing to disclose their gender and ethnicity. Once hired and upon entering the Police
Academy, candidates’ have the opportunity to voluntary self-disclose their genders and
ethnic information again, which is collected by Human Resources.
Article 1, Section 31(a) of the California Constitution1 states in part, “the state shall not
discriminate against, or grant preferential treatment to, any individual or group on the basis
of race, sex, color, ethnicity, or national origin in the operation of public employment.”
Section 31(f) later defines “the state” as including, but not being limited to “the State itself,
any city, county, city and county, … or any other political subdivision or governmental
instrumentality of or within the State.” Accordingly, the Department cannot grant
preferential treatment or make any hiring decisions based on an individual’s membership
in the protected categories set forth in the California Constitution. Moreover, California
Government Code Section 1233 provides that “applicants for employment by, and
incumbent employees of, public agencies may be solicited to voluntarily declare their
ethnic identification, provided this information shall be used for research and statistical
purposes only.” Thus, the Departmentcannot create an environment in which candidates
1
are required to disclose their ethnicity.
However, the Recruiting Unit is in the process of developing its Procedural Manual to
include a documented strategy for recruiting a diverse pool of applicants, including best
practices. As part of this stratagem, the Recruiting Unit will use the statistics from the
voluntary self-disclosed ethnic information of all Department personnel to assess the
success of its recruiting efforts. The expected completion date for this document is October
2022. Upon completion, the document will be publicly available via the Department’s
Public Document Library.2
Recommendation 2: By April 2023, develop and begin implementing a documented strategy
aligned with best practices for recruiting officers who reflect the diversity of its community.
The Departmentagrees with this recommendation. As outlined in Recommendation 1, the
updated Procedural Manual containing a documented recruiting strategy will be completed
by October 2022. The implementation of the revised recruiting efforts will begin
immediately upon completion of the Procedural Manual. Upon completion, the document
will be publicly available via the Department’s Public Document Library.
To better assess whether applicants have the ability to work with diverse members of their
communities and whether they possess detectable disqualifying biases, San Jose Police should
ensure that it includes all of the following steps in its hiring process by no later than October 2022:
1
https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=SEC.+31.&nodeTreePath=2&lawC
ode=CONS&article=I
2https://www.sjpd.org/records/p-c-13650-library
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Recommendation 3: Proactively seek and attempt to contact secondary references to obtain more
candid information about applicants, such as information about past biased conduct or affiliation
with hate groups.
This recommendation is completed. In March 2022, the Background Unit developed a 2
standardized process for identifying and documenting secondary references. Contacting
secondary references is a requisite portion of the background process. Any information
provided by the secondary references is documented in the Background Summary. To
preserve the integrity of the background process, the procedure will remain confidential,
but a copy will be provided to the State Auditor’s Office for verification.
Recommendation 4: Using documented procedures that adhere to best practices, identify and
review applicants’ public social media profiles for content indicative of disqualifying biases, such
as hate group affiliation.
This recommendation is completed. In March 2022, the Background Unit developed a 2
standardized process for identifying and documenting an applicant’s social media history.
In addition, all Background Investigators have attended a 1-hour open-source social media
search class. To preserve the integrity of the background process, the procedure will
remain confidential, but a copy will be provided to the State Auditor’s Office for
verification.
To strengthen its relationship with its community and mitigate the effects of bias on its officers,
San Jose Police should by April 2023 develop and begin implementing a documented strategy to
do all of the following:
Recommendation 5: Collaborate with its community to establish or leverage community advisory
boards consisting of representatives of diverse groups. Its strategy should specify how it will
partner with the boards in the areas of recruitment, hiring, training, and community engagement,
as well as how it will leverage the boards to obtain feedback on how it can better serve its
community.
The Department agrees with this recommendation. The Department is in the process of
developing a Request for Proposal for a community engagement consultant. The
consultant will work with stakeholders to create a comprehensive community engagement
plan, both for the Department, as well as for each of the four patrol Divisions. As part of
this community engagement analysis, the consultant will provide guidance on community
advisory boards, their recommended makeup, and how the Department will partner with
those boards in the future. Due to the extensive collaboration, research, and development 3
necessary for a comprehensive community engagement plan, this recommendation will
likely not be completed until December 2023.
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Recommendation 6: Ensure that officers at all levels regularly participate in community
engagement activities.
The Department agrees with this recommendation. As discussed in Recommendation 5,
the Department will be working with an independent consultant to develop a
comprehensive community engagement plan. As part of that plan, the consultant will
provide guidance on creating opportunities for community engagement at all levels of the
3 organization, for both sworn and professional staff. The expected completion date for this
recommendation is December 2023.
Recommendation 7: Periodically survey its community to assess the effectiveness of its
community engagement efforts and solicit feedback on how to improve its operations.
The Department agrees with this recommendation. Creating and implementing a survey
method inclusive of all cultures, languages, technology, and abilities throughout the City
4 will require a complex, multilayered approach. Due to staffing and budgetary issues, the
Department is unable to begin work on this recommendation at this time. The Department
will continue to evaluate its ability to implement community surveys in its annual report to
City Council on pending recommendations in Fall 2022.
To proactively identify signs that officers may need additional training or supports to address
possible biased behavior, San Jose Police should, by April 2023, adopt policies and implement
procedures that align with best practices for an effective early intervention system. Its system
should do the following:
Recommendation 8: Track and incorporate data at the officer level related to complaints, uses
of force, and other indicators as appropriate, and use this data to identify officers who could
benefit from early intervention. The system should include analysis of stops data that identifies
officers based on indications of possible biased conduct.
The Department partially agrees with this recommendation. The Department is currently
in a pilot project with a vendor for an Early Intervention System. This pilot project is
expected to end in December 2022, at which time the effectiveness of the system will be
evaluated.
Regarding the inclusion of stops data, the Department will need to evaluate the
effectiveness of its inclusion in an Early Intervention System. The Department is
concerned that inclusion of stops data may, inadvertently, flag an officer for early
intervention based on an inaccurate assumption. If, for example, an officer works in a
community predominantly occupied by a given ethnicity, it would be appropriate to expect
the officer to stop community members of that ethnicity at a higher rate. By using the
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frequency of ethnicity in the stops data, the officer might be flagged for early intervention
when the reason for the increased number of stops was based solely on circumstance, not
on any potential bias.
To appropriately evaluate the inclusion of stops data, the Department will need to consult 5
with experts in the field, research available data and studies on the subject, and determine
best practices. Because the pilot project is already underway and does not include stops
data, it will not be able to be included until, at minimum, the conclusion of the pilot. An
analysis on the potential inclusion of stops data will be provided in the report documenting
the results of the Early Intervention System pilot project.
Recommendation 9: Specify a range of early intervention options – such as trainings, mentoring,
or other supervisory approaches, mental health services, or reassignment – with guidance about
how to apply them to the particular circumstances of each officer’s conduct. The system should
require prompt interventions that address the identified issues with or patterns in the officers’
conduct, including conduct related to bias.
The Department agrees with this recommendation. The Department will be evaluating a
range of potential early intervention options as part of the Early Intervention System pilot
project. It will also develop the process for interventions, including timing, notifications,
and documentation. The pilot project is expected to end in December 2022, at which time
any recommendations for changes to Department policy will be analyzed and proposed.
Recommendation 10: Require monitoring of the officers who receive intervention to evaluate
whether their performance improves or whether additional interventions are needed.
The Department agrees with this recommendation. Similar to Recommendation 9 above,
the Early Intervention System pilot project will evaluate the monitoring of officers
receiving interventions. The pilot project is expected to end in December 2022, at which
time any recommendations for changes to Department policy will be analyzed and
proposed.
To ensure that it adequately investigates possible biased conduct and implements effective
correction actions, San Jose Police should ensure it has implemented policies or procedures by
January 2023 that achieve all of the following:
Recommendation 11: Require that misconduct investigations formally analyze whether an officer
has acted in a biased manner whenever a complaint alleges bias, the facts of the incident indicate
bias might have influenced an officer’s behavior, or investigators recognize potential indications
of bias during other reviews, such as use of force reviews.
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This recommendation is completed. The City of San José Policy Manual states,
6
“Allegations of discrimination or harassment will be promptly and objectively
investigated. The investigation and findings will be based upon the totality of
circumstances and each situation will be evaluated on a case-by-case basis.”3 The Police
Department abides by the City Policy Manual.
Recommendation 12: Require that the investigations apply a definition of bias the incorporates
the following: biased conduct can include conduct resulting from implicit as well as explicit
biases; conduct is biased if a reasonable person would conclude so using the facts at hand; an
officers need not admit biased or prejudiced intent for conduct to reasonably appear biased; and
biased conduct may occur in an encounter with the public, with other officers, or online, such as
conduct on social media.
The Department agrees with this recommendation. Pursuant to the State Auditor’s
7
recommendation to the California Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training
(POST), the Department will adopt POST’s explanations of implicit and explicit bias,
including how they can influence behavior and will mirror them in internal policies. In
addition, the Department will develop a policy clarifying that biased conduct may occur in
an encounter with the public, with other officers, or online, such as conduct on social
media. The expectedcompletion date for this recommendation is unable to be determined
at this time, as it is reliant on POST’s development of the applicable definitions.
Recommendation 13: Require that the individuals handling bias-related investigations follow
detailed investigative guidelines for identifying biased conduct and be specifically trained in how
to perform these assessments.
The Department agrees with this recommendation. The Department will train all Internal
Affairs personnel in investigating bias-related allegations. The Department will develop
investigative guidelines for identifying biased conduct, and require all Internal Affairs
investigators follow those guidelines.
The expected completion date is unable to be determined at this time. The Department will
need to identify the appropriate training for investigating bias-related allegations, secure
ongoing funding to send all 16 investigators to the training, and schedule the training in a
manner that does not affect the functioning of the unit. The Department will continue to
evaluate its ability to implement this recommendation in its annual report to City Council
on pending recommendations.
3https://www.sanjoseca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/17863/637139240864900000
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Recommendation 14: Formalize policies – such as through discipline matrices or broader
discipline guidelines – specifying options for corrective actions beyond punitive discipline that are
designed to change officer behaviors associated with biased conduct. San Jose Police should
require that, when appropriate, these corrective actions – such as training and education – be part
of the discipline that officers receive when they are found to have engaged in biased conduct.
The Department agrees with this recommendation. The Department does not have a
discipline matrix in which consequences are prescribed based on the actions or category of
actions by a Department member. Rather, a recommendation of discipline is made by the
Department member’s command officer pursuant to Duty Manual section C 1724. In the
event potential disciplinary action is likely to be greater than a letter of reprimand, the case
is referred to the Disciplinary Review Panel.
The Disciplinary Review Panel is comprised of the commander of Internal Affairs and
every level of the Department member’s direct chain of command (e.g., their Sergeant,
Lieutenant, Captain, Deputy Chief, Assistant Chief, and Chief of Police). The case is
discussed, including all extenuating circumstances, the employee’s performance history,
length of employment and assignments, and any prior history of misconduct. A discussion
of discipline is conducted by the Disciplinary Review Panel and a determination is made
by the Chief of Police4 in consideration of all the disciplinary actions available in Duty
Manual section C 1804:
• Training
• Informal Counseling
• Documented Oral Counseling
• Written Reprimanded
• Disciplinary Transfer
• Suspension
• Demotion
• Dismissal from City service
• Other appropriate disciplinary action that the Chief of Police deems appropriate
In the event of a sustained bias allegation, when appropriate, the Department will ensure
training and education are a component of the outcome, in addition to or in lieu of punitive
discipline.
4 In the event the Chief of Police determines a discipline of suspension, demotion, or dismissal from City service is
warranted, the level of discipline is recommended to the City Manager’s Office of Employee Relations, which
approves the disciplinary action.
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CONCLUSION
On behalf of the San José Police Department and the City of San José, I would like to thank the
California State Auditor’s Office for your thorough evaluation of our Department. Your findings
and recommendations will help us to build community relationships and ensure exceptional service
at all levels, so every member of the community has the highest level of trust in our agency.
Respectfully,
Anthony Mata
Chief of Police
For questions, please contact Lieutenant Steve Donohue, San José Police Department, Research &
Development Unit, at (408) 277-5200.
AM:SD
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Comments
CALIFORNIA STATE AUDITOR’S COMMENTS ON THE
RESPONSE FROM THE SAN JOSÉ POLICE DEPARTMENT
To provide clarity and perspective, we are commenting on San José
Police’s response to the audit. The numbers below correspond to
the numbers we have placed in the margin of its response.
San José Police implies, incorrectly, that implementing our 1
recommendation would necessitate requiring applicants to
disclose their ethnicity and gender, thereby violating sections of
the California Constitution and state law. We acknowledge on
pages 36 and 37 of the report that state law prohibits departments
from requiring applicants to report characteristics such as their
race, ethnicity, and gender, and on page 37 we report that San José
Police asks for and has received information on the race or ethnicity
of the majority of its applicants. As a result, it can analyze these
data, but it has not. Given the department’s struggle to employ a
workforce that reflects the diversity of its community, which we
show in Table 1 on page 32, San José Police should fully implement
the best practices we describe in the report for doing so, which
include analyzing the diversity of its applicant pool to evaluate the
effectiveness of its recruitment efforts.
San José Police refers to actions that it began taking at the end of 2
our audit after we shared our findings and recommendations with
the department. We are glad to hear that the department is taking
positive steps toward implementing those recommendations, and
look forward to reviewing its progress.
As we state on page 9, we recommend that the departments, 3
including San José Police, implement our recommendations for
strengthening their relationships with their communities within
one year, by April 2023. We believe this to be a reasonable timeline,
rather than the December 2023 timeline that San José Police
proposes to meet.
We acknowledge that the department’s implementation of periodic 4
surveys of its community will require time and resources, and on
page 55 we mention that available guidance suggests methods for
minimizing the number of people needed for conducting these
surveys, such as partnering with entities such as universities.
Given the value that these surveys can provide, which we describe
beginning on page 54, we encourage San José Police to implement
these surveys as part of its development of its comprehensive plan
for community engagement that it describes in its response.
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5 We understand and appreciate that San José Police will need to
consult research and best practices about including stops data in
its early intervention system. We note on page 60 that using stops
data to identify trends indicative of potential bias is nuanced and
complex, and we state on page 58 that factors other than bias can
also contribute to demographic disparities in stops data. However,
the complexities of stops data do not lessen the importance of this
data for early intervention systems. Numerous authorities have
recognized the complexities of stops data while still recommending
they be considered in, or noting they are a common part of, early
intervention systems—including the IACP, the US DOJ, the RIPA
Board, and a 2017 study that the city of San José commissioned.
Some of these sources have also demonstrated that there are
analytical approaches for addressing the type of concerns San José
Police expressed, such as by controlling for geographic area in
statistical analyses, comparing officers to their peers who have
similar assignments, or, as the RIPA Board did in an analysis that we
mention on page 58, analyzing indicators like search and discovery
rates that do not rely simply upon the number of individuals
stopped. Further, if San José Police is concerned about flagging
officers inappropriately, it could design its early intervention system
to include specific thresholds and review processes that ensure it
identifies only the officers who could benefit from intervention—a
common best practice for these systems.
6 San José Police quotes the city of San José’s already existing equal
employment opportunity policy, which primarily focuses on
allegations about city employees’ behavior related to interactions
with other city employees in the workplace. Our recommendation
includes an officer’s interactions with members of the public while
carrying out their policing duties. Therefore, we look forward to
reviewing a policy that San José Police adopts that will require it
to formally investigate whether an officer has engaged in biased
conduct whenever investigators or other staff recognize potential
indications of bias—including when there is no complaint or when
staff are conducting routine reviews, such as use-of-force reviews.
7 San José Police misunderstands the intended subject of our
recommendations related to developing a definition of bias.
Specifically, we recommend on page 6 that the Legislature, not
POST, create a definition of biased conduct for law enforcement
departments to use in their misconduct investigations. Further,
we make a similar recommendation directly to San José Police on
page 10 for it to apply a definition of bias in its investigations that
incorporates certain factors. We look forward to reviewing San José
Police’s progress on implementing this recommendation regardless
of whether there is related legislative action.
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