LHC
A Review of the Current Problems in California's Workers' Compensation System
Read the report at Little Hoover Commission ↗
-15-
A review of the Bureau's operations and records indicates that there are no
firm written guidelines or criteria for determining which potential fraud
cases should be investigated.
This process has resulted in only 17 cases
being opened for investigation out of the 160 cases reported.
As of
January 14, 1988, only three cases remain open and one case has been
prosecuted. The single case being prosecuted began preliminary hearing on
January 14, 1988.
According to personnel of the Fraud Bureau, the quality of evidence
provided by both the insurance carriers and the self-insured employers is
very poor, which makes a subsequent investigation very difficult.
However,
insurers have stated that the Fraud Bureau has discouraged the filing of
workers' compensation fraud cases due to the Bureau's lack of resources and
reluctance to prosecute such cases.
Most carriers and self-insured employers do not maintain staff primarily
responsible
for
fraud
detection
nor
do
they
train
their
workers'
compensation
personnel
to
detect
fraud.
The
insurers'
important
determinations are whether the claim justifies payment and, if so, what
amount of payment is due.
If the claim is denied, further investigation
does not appear to be encouraged.
In addition, many insurance companies
keep only the necessary data to process the claims.
Information concerning
past claims, doctors, attorneys, types of claims and other date useful for
determining fraud are not generally maintained.
This situation, combined
with carriers' concerns about bad faith lawsuits should they report a
potential fraud, and the discouraging reception given workers' compensation
fraud cases previously submitted, has probably limited the number of fraud
cases reported to the Fraud Bureau.
Further, in some counties, the District Attorney's fraud investigative unit
will not take a case that is under a given dollar amount, or will not
prosecute a case because they believe that other legal remedies exist.
Since most workers' compensation fraud would tend to be in smaller dollar
amounts,
this limits
the possibility of prosecuting
the
individual.
According to Fraud Bureau personnel, workers' compensation cases are the
least popular type of insurance case with both the District Attorneys and
the investigators of the Bureau.
A review of the closed case files of the Fraud Bureau provide a range of
examples of case closures.
In one case, the county District Attorney
refused to prosecute a case referred by the Bureau because "adequate civil
remedies" existed.
In another case, a Workers' Compensation Judge in a
case decision stated that, "this is one of the clearest cases of fraud and
perjury that has been presented to this trier of fact in many years."
At
the hearing, the carrier had introduced as evidence undercover films of the
alleged blind injured worker loading a truck with building materials and
then driving the truck.
The case was referred directly to the local
District Attorney, who referred it to the Fraud Bureau.
After review and
preliminary investigation by the Bureau, the case was closed with the
statements that "case would require a significant investment of time to
determine worthiness for prosecution" and "Bureau has several cases more
deserving of investigative hours than this one."
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Increased Litigation
Uncertainty regarding an injured worker's right to compensation has also
led to increased litigation.
The insured employer generally relies on the
insurance carrier to provide information to the employee and is, therefore,
not always responsive to the employee's questions.
The CWCI in 1974
commissioned
a
study of employees
who
had filed an Application for
Adjudication of Claim.
This application is the first point at which an
applicant's attorney
becomes
formally
involved
in the
process.
The
research organization found that 73 percent of the employees had negative
feelings
about
the employer's responsiveness to their questions.
In
addition, 80 percent were referred to an attorney by their union.
More
than 90 percent of the employees in the study sought legal assistance
because of their unfamiliarity with workers' compensation law and claims
procedurei4 and felt that settlement would be too difficult without an
attorney.
This
uncertainty,
together with
the
open
advertising
of
the
legal
profession found in various media, leads the employee to seek legal advice
at no risk to himself.
As employees become more aware of injuries that may
be compensated under the law, there is a greater tendency to consider
filing an application for benefits.
The adjudication process is also delayed by increasing caseloads within the
Workers' Compensation Appeals Board (WCAB) system.
In 1970, the WCAB had
approximately 69,000 cases filed.
The WCAB has 105 hearing officers, and
it took an average of 3.5 weeks to bring a case to hearing.
In 1986,
approximately 186,000 cases were filed, with 130 hearing officer positions
established to review them.
The minimum average time needed to schedule a
case now varies from seven weeks to ~re than a year, based upon the
individual appeals office's operations.
These delays may be caused by several factors.
The number of judges has
not proportionally kept pace with the number of cases filed, nor has the
administrative structure of the WCAB been significantly updated.
Although
there exists a uniform procedures manual for judges, system administration
is still carried out by the presiding judges of each of the regional
offices.
These
presiding
judges
in
effect
set
the
workload
and
administration standards, while at the same time hearing cases themselves.
No central court administration or administrator exists, although the WCAB
in 1986 had a civil court caseload larger than any of the State's superior
court systems, with the exception of Los Angeles.
Much of the WCAB's workload also consists of approval of case compromises
worked out by the various parties prior to hearing.
Approximately 80
14''Litigation in Workers' Compensation -
A Report to the Industry,"
California's Workers' Compensation Institute.
15Senate Rules Committee Hearing, August 26, 1987-Confirmation Hearing
of Barry Carmody, Administrative Director, Division of Industrial Accidents.
-21-
percent of 1tses filed are settled by a Compromise and Release (C&R) prior
to hearing.
The various judges will routinely review and certify such
C&Rs as a part of their workload, rather than having a central office, or
designated judges in each office. for such a duty.
FINDING #4 -
EMPLOYERS WHO DO NOT REPORT ACCURATE WAGES TO INSURANCE
CARRIERS EFFECTIVELY RAISE PREMIUMS RATES FOR OTHER EMPLOYERS
Some employers successfully reduce their premium payments by either not
reporting all wages
to their insurance carrier or by inappropriately
classifying employees to get the benefit of reduced rates.
These employers
force other employers to carry a heavier burden of the losses through
increased rates.
While the extent of such inaccurate reporting is not
known,
no
central organization is
focusing
significant attention on
locating and penalizing employers who do not accurately report wages or
inappropriately classify employees.
Limited information is available regarding the incorrect reporting or lack
of reporting of payroll by employers.
Carriers and the WCIRB both believe
that the practice of not reporting all payroll or misclassifying personnel
to obtain lower premiums is somewhat widespread.
An employer may pay an
employee in cash and not report a portion of that employee's wages to the
carrier.
Since premiums are based on total wages payable, the employer can
reduce the premium through the lower-than-actual reported payroll.
Another
way for employers to inappropriately reduce their premium is to classify
employees working in higher rated jobs to lower rated job categories.
The
employee's chance of being injured remains higher and the carrier is
obligated to compensate any injury.
Some employers looking for ways to reduce their expenses do not fully
report their entire payroll thereby avoiding the employer's cost for social
security, disability insurance and workers' compensation insurance.
These
employers are difficult to locate since they may be reporting sufficient
amounts of payroll to reduce their overall expense. In addition, carriers
do not normally maintain large audit staffs to seek out employers avoiding
the appropriate premium.
One indication of the impact of uninsured employers is the number of claims
made by inj ured workers to the State's Uninsured Employers Fund.
These
claims are filed by workers whose employers have no workers' compensation
insurance coverage.
The fund, administered by DIA, extends needed benefits
and then attempts to recover costs from the employer.
Exhibit 111.3 shows
the changes for this Fund over the last several years.
16California Workers' Compensation Institute, Bulletin, June 3, 1987.
--
-22-
EXHIBIT III. 3
CASELOAD AND BENEFITS PAID
UNINSURED EMPLOYERS FUND
Average
Fiscal Year
Cases Opened
Cases Closed
0Een Case load
Claims Paid
1981/82
1,809
1,412
4,366
$ 4.8 million
1982/83
1,406
1,125
4,935
$ 6.4 million
1983/84
2,392
1,587
5,415
$ 6.9 million
1984/85
3,196
3,193
5,123
$ 8.0 million
1985/86
2,678
1,274
6,160
$ 8.9 million
1986/87
2,996
2,473
7,201
$10.1 million
Source:
Department of Industrial Relations; Division of Industrial
Accidents
Exhibit III. 3 shows that during the period from fiscal year 1981/82 to
1986/87, the number of new cases opened increased from 1,809 to 2,996, an
increase of 65.6 percent.
The benefits paid for the same period increased
from $4.8 million to $10.1 million, an increase of 110 percent.
Underreporting of payroll by some employers drives up the premium rates for
all other employers.
The total cost of all compensation payments used to
derive the premiums must be allocated over the total reported payroll for
all employers of that category.
This results in higher premiums than would
be necessary if all payroll was reported by all employers.
The total
effect on premiums cannot currently be ascertained because information is
not available on the total amount of unreported payroll.
In addition,
classifying employees in an inappropriate job category will distort the
premiums in those categories thereby also forcing other employers to bear
the premium load for other employers.
FINDING #5 -
THE ESCALATING USE OF EMPLOYER LIABILITY INSURANCE HAS
SIGNIFICANTLY RAISED THE COSTS OF EMPLOYERS AND CARRIERS
The California workers' compensation system has authorized carriers to
provide employer liability coverage since its inception in the early 1900s.
Prior to 1979, claims made under the employers' liability portion of the
workers' compensation policy have been extremely rare.
However, since 1979
there has been a dramatic rise in the number of civil suits by employees
against their employers.
The increased number of civil suits in this area
have raised the costs for employers and carriers and have caused some
carriers to modify their employer liability coverage.
The workers' compensation system in California was designed to be the
exclusive
remedy
for
work-related
injuries.
When
the
system
was
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established from 1913 to 1916, the Legislature also authorized carriers to
offer companion employer liability coverage, the "part B" of workers Y
compensation policies, to cover any potential liability not anticipated in
the basic policy.
For more than 60 years, claims made under the employer's
liability portion of a workers' compensation policy were extremely rare.
As intended, work-related injuries were covered by the primary portion of
the workers' compensation policy.
Since 1979 there has been a dramatic rise in the number of civil suits by
employees against their employers.
Employees and their attorneys are
currently successfully using the employer liability section of the workers'
compensation coverage to file personal grievances and termination injury
claims.
One carrier, the State Compensation Insurance Fund, stated in
testimony at the Commission's August 1987 public hearing that it currently
has 300 open employer liability claims, and is receiving new claims for
benefits under the employer's liability sections of policies at the rate of
30 to 40 per month, twice the rate of past years.
More than $1 million in
defense costs have been incurred, and SCIF estimates future liability at
$8.7 million.
Since the premium rates are established using cost and
frequency data from the past, when such claims were very infrequent or
nonexistent, the effects of these claims are only now beginning to be felt
by the employers.
However, the limited number of claims that have been
filed indicate an escalation in defense costs.
Exhibit 111.4 shows the results of 440 open employer's liability cases
reported to CWCI in a 1985 survey.
EXHIBIT II!. 4
EMPLOYER'S LIABILITY CLAIMS REPORTED
CALENDAR YEAR 1985
Number
Average
of
Incurred
Claim Type
Claims Percent
Loss
Wrongful Termination
204
46
$ 18,512
Discrimination
64
15
23,049
Power Press
26
6
61,919
Dual Capacity
47
11
49,628
Other
99
22
56,303
Total
440
- 100
$ 33,512
Source:
California Workers' Compensation Institute
Average
Incurred
Expense
$ 8,402
10,901
4,509
5,072
9,923
$ 8,524
. Exhibit 111.4 shows that 268 of the 440 employer's liability claims
reported
in
1985,
or
61
percent,
alleged
wrongful
termination or
discrimination.
These types of cases were virtually nonexistent in 1979.
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During the same period of time, insurance carriers reported that 85 cases
were closed with a~7average incurred loss of $16,941 and average incurred
expenses of $3,643.
Workers'
compensation was intended to be an exclusive remedy for the
injured employee.
Work-related injuries logically should be subject to a
single source of remedy.
In 1982, an exception to the exclusive remedy
allowed workers injured by a power press to sue the employer for civil
damages.
This set a precedent for other potential employment law damage
suits.
These expanding areas of civil liability coexisting with workers'
compensation have
prompted insurance
companies to support legislative
repeal of the "power press" exception.
Insurance companies are taking different approaches to handling the issue.
Some are specifically excluding coverage for wrongful termination from new
policies.
Others are determining that these cases fall under workers'
compensation and are not using the employer liability coverage.
The State
Fund has responded by establishing an employer's liability claims unit to
handle the processing requirements generated.
To date, there is a lack of
clarity in this area by the courts or the regulatory agencies.
FINDING #6 -
THE INCREASE IN SUBJECTIVE CLAIMS FOR PSYCHOLOGICAL DISABILITY
HAS HAD A NEGATIVE IMPACT ON THE WORKERS' COMPENSATION SYSTEM
During the period from 1980 to 1986, claims for mental stress injuries
increased by 531 percent.
Such claims, because of their subjective nature,
result in more frequent litigation.
Claims alleging mental stress or
psychiatric injury comprised less than two percent of all injury claims
filed in 1986, but accounted for more than seven percent of all claims
litigated.
Such litigation drives up administrative costs, increases
administrative hearing backlogs and further delays payment of benefits to
injured workers.
California is almost
unique
in its treatment
of
claims
based upon
job-related stress.
All work is to some degree stressful.
Such stress may
occur in a variety of forms and may be handled differently by different
people.
During the last five to eight years, an increasing number of
claims for job-related stress have been filed in California.
These claims
are often based on the concept that stress like some physical injuries, can
be cumulative, and that such stress need only be perceived by the worker in
order to be disabling and compensible.
This interlocking set of doctrines,
i.e., the concept of cumulative psychiatric injury and the compensability
of subjectively perceived stress, has
evolved in civil case law in
California during the last 10 years.
Perhaps the best statement on the
evolution of case law regarding psychiatric injury was presented by Bertram
Cohen of the WCAB before the Senate Industrial Relations Committee in
December 1987 (See Appendix I).
Judge Cohen traced the evolution of case
17California
Workers'
Compensation
Institute,
"Employers
Liability
Survey," October 1985.
-25-
law in this area, and also pointed out some of the adverse effects,
including the increased litigation accompanying such claims.
Mental stress claims have two immediate adverse impacts on the workers'
compensation system:
they excessively put employers and workers against
each other over subjective criteria of disability; and they are beginning
to create backlogs in up the adjudication process.
Because the "perception
of disabling stress" is sufficient to file a
claim for benefits, such
subjective claims are seen by employers as a method marginal workers can
and will use to claim benefits rather than working.
Workers who file such
claims, whether legitimate or not, will often have such claims denied,
angering the worker and causing him or her to file a claim through the
WCAB.
Alternatively, the worker may file the WCAB application first, then
notify the employers.
This claim, because of the subjective standards
currently used to judge "injury" is usually settled only with difficulty
and bitterness on both sides.
A recent draft study of mental stress claims by CWCI provides information
on the growing extent of the problem.
Between 1980 and 1986, mental stress
claims grew from a total of 1282 to 6812, an increase of 531 percent.
Seventy-five percent of all stress claims cite "job pressures" as the major
stresser,
with
90
percent
of
the
stress
cited
being
cumulative.
Psychiatric injuries in 1986 comprised only 1. 7 percent of all claims
filed, but 7.3 percent of all claims litigated.
The insurer is first
notified of a stress claim by notice of an application for adjudication
filed with the WCAB in 84 percent of the cases studied.
Several remedies have been proposed to deal with aspects of this problem.
Several pieces of current legislation attempt to remove specified stress
claims arising out of disciplinary actions or company or industry-wide
changes from compensable status in the workers' compensation system.
This
concept is opposed by labor organizations who consider such a measure to be
a limitation of legal benefits.
Problems of legal jurisdiction also arise,
since such claims, if blocked, may flood into the tort arena, further
overburdening
the
already
overburdened
courts
and
possibly
opening
employers and insurance carriers to even greater liability.
Another recent administrative measure by DIA attempts to reduce the
subjectivity of medical evaluations of stress claims.
The DIA in mid-19B7
established protocols and procedures for physicians to use when evaluating
psychological disability claims.
These protocols will hopefully make
conflicting
medical
opinions
more
definitive,
by
specifying
minimum
criteria for evaluation.
FINDING #7 -
THE EFFECTIVENESS OF THE USE OF VOCATIONAL REHABILITATION
TRAINING IN CALIFORNIA HAS NOT BEEN EVALUATED
Vocational rehabilitation benefits were established by law beginning in
1975.
The
statutory
provisions
give
injured
workers
vocational
rehabilitation
training
and
temporary
disability
benefits
while
in
rehabilitation.
The
specifics
of
this
benefit
are
provided
by
administrative regulations and judicial interpretations. The benefit is a
relatively small but growing part of the workers' compensation benefit
structure.
Vocational rehabilitation costs have grown from a total of two
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percent of all benefit costs in 1976 to approximately 15 percent of benefit
costs
i~8l986.
The annual cost growth rate from 1980 to 1984 was 41
percent.
Although vocational rehabilitation training has been shown to
be cost-effective when it is used appropriately, the effectiveness of
California's administration of vocational rehabilitation training has not
yet been evaluated.
Exhibit
111.5
shows the cost to one carrier--the State Compensation
Insurance Fund--of the various types of vocational rehabilitation:
Plan Type
EXHIBIT III. 5
AVERAGE COST PER PLAN TYPE
Calendar Year 1985
Modified Job, Same Employer
Modified Job, New Employer
Alternative Work, Same Employer
Direct Job Placement
On-the-Job Training, New Employer
Formal Schooling
Schooling and On-the-Job Training
Self-Employment
Source:
State Compensation Insurance Fund
Average Cost
$ 3,868
1,733
4,650
9,696
14,031
18,873
17,344
20,545
While
some studies have been prepared showing the cost of vocational
rehabilitation, to date, there has not been a formal assessment of the
effectiveness of the benefits to the injured workers.
As the above table
demonstrates, the cost of the different types of rehabilitation plan vary
greatly.
Whether the benefit of the plan types also vary has not yet been
determined.
The California Worker's Compensation Institute, in conjunction
with the Division of Industrial Accidents and other agencies, is currently
conducting
a
major
study
of
the
long-term
effects
of
vocational
rehabilitation programs.
The study is due to be completed in April 1988,
and
should
provide
important
information
to
assess
the
impact
of
California's administration of vocational rehabilitation training.
The
Rehabilitation
President's
Council
of
California,
an
association of
rehabilitation providers, is also
completing
a
study of the State's
rehabilitation programs, due to be released in March 1988.
The rapid rise in costs for vocational rehabilitation is due in large part
to the increased awareness of the injured workers of the availability of
the benefit.
In
addition,
judicial interpretations
have
been
very
18 Workers' Compensation Insurance Rating Bureau, "Report on Vocational
Rehabilitation" March 1987.
-27-
favorable tb the injured employee in allowing them to determine their
method of rehabilitation.
There are also short-term economic benefits to
the injured workers in enrolling in a vocational rehabilitation program.
The basic benefit provided to the injured employee may be as low as $140
per week.
If an injured employee qualifies for vocational rehabilitation,
the injured employee's basic benefit level increases to $224 per week.
Without a
review of the effects of the dfffering types of vocational
rehabilitation, the injured worker may not be getting the best benefit
possible to insure future compensation.
In addition, the carriers and
employers
may
be
unknowingly
paying
for
training
that
is
not
cost-effective.
FINDING #8 -
OPPORTUNITIES EXIST TO BETTER CONTROL THE COST OF VOCATIONAL
REHABILITATION PROGRAMS
One of the major factors which increase the cost of California's vocational
rehabilitation program is the delay and disruption in commencing and
completing such plans by qualified workers.
Employers, insurance carriers
and injured workers each have minimal incentives to promptly commence and
complete rehabilitation programs.
Although
systems may differ, other
states have taken measures to track and control vocational rehabilitation
costs and results.
Such measures
may
be applicable to California's
program.
The prompt beginning and completion of a vocational rehabilitation plan by
a qualified injured worker is a major component in both returning workers
to employment, as well as limiting program costs.
According to a CWCI
study completed in 1986, nearly half of the total cost of vocational
rehabilitation case costs consists of the temporary {\.Ji.sability benefits
paid while the plan is being developed and implemented.
Referral to a rehabilitation program is mandatory as soon as it is known
that a worker cannot return to his or her original job, or at 180 days
after being disabled.
Mandatory referral can be delayed beyond the l80-day
period if the injured worker has not yet been determined to be medically
stable, Le., permanent and stationary, and so potentially eligible for
benefits.
There are currently no requirements or incentives for workers to
begin vocational rehabilitation programs promptly, and there are, in fact,
disincentives in some cases.
Workers in the midst of litigation over the
amount or extent of permanent disability compensation may find it more
advantageous to delay vocational rehabilitation until the litigation is
completed.
The basic incentive of employers and insurers is to provide
legally mandated rehabilitation services at the lowest possible cost.
If
such costs can be delayed or reduced through the litigation process, there
is little incentives to commence plans on the part of employer or insurer.
19California Workers' Compensation Institute, Research Notes, Vocational
Rehabilitation:
1985 Costs and Results, November 1985.
-28-
The February 1986 draft staff report by the Legislature's Joint Study
Committee on Workers' Compensation recognized this dilemma, and recommended
that eligible workers "should have an obligation to commence vocational
rehabilitation as
soon
as
the
possible
need
for
these
services is
identified."
This recommendation is similar to the prompt commencement
requirement in force in the State of Michigan and which was cited in a
recent study of proprietary sector vocational rehabilitation programs done
for the U.S. Department of Education by Berkeley Planning Associates.
Selection of vocational rehabilitation providers and periodic monitoring of
progress is also vital for successful program completion and cost control.
Currently, rehabilitation plans are developed by individual rehabilitation
counselors or firms under contract to the carrier or self-insured employer.
These plans are reviewed and approved by the Rehabilitation Bureau of the
DIA;
however, there is no regulation of the counselor or firm.
Such
regulation, or at least registration along with associated information on
the qualifications, experience and prior performance of the counselor or
firm, would be useful to insurers, employers and workers in selecting a
competent.
Similar systems are in use in other states;
New York's
voluntary system refers eligible workers to either the State Office of
Vocational Rehabilitation or a screened group of non-profit vocational
rehabilitation programs.
Michigan's mandatory system also gathers data and
tracks the performance of various vocational rehabilitation counselors and
firms.
Michigan also requires the service provider to submit progress
reports periodically so that progress can be assessed in comparison with
state guidelines.
One other cost control idea which has been used in several states is a
limitation on the length of time vocational rehabilitation services may be
provided.
Such an idea was considered in the February 1986 draft staff
report of the Joint Study Committee on Workers' Compensation.
Michigan's
mandatory vocational rehabilitation programs have a similar provision, with
retraining limited to a total of 52 weeks, with an additional 52 weeks
possible by order of the State Director after an administrative review.
-29-
IV. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This
section
presents
the
conclusions
and
recommendations
of
the
Commission's review of selected areas of concern in the California workers'
compensation system.
CONCLUSIONS
California has the largest workers'
compensation system in the United
States.
The amount of direct written premiums has increased from $2.9
billion in 1982 to $5.3 billion in 1986,
an increase of 83 percent.
Although the amount of direct written premiums is significant, the weekly
benefits paid out to injured workers in California are among the lowest for
urban industrialized states.
The cost of California's workers' compensation system has also increased
rapidly in recent years, from $1.2 billion in 1980 to $2.3 billion in 1984.
These increased costs reflect an increase in the number of persons in the
workforce and a rise in the cost of claims.
It is not due to an increase
in the rate of claims being filed, because such claims have actually
declined from an average of 39.17 per 1,000 workers in 1979 to 35.89 in
1986, a decrease of 8.4 percent.
While it is difficult
to
make
direct
comparisons
between
workers'
compensation costs and benefits in different states, several recent studies
indicate that in certain categories California's premium rates for coverage
are among the highest in the country.
Moreover, California's premium rates
have been increasing faster than those in other states.
The high cost of
workers' compensation insurance coverage in California have had a negative
impact on the perception of the State's business climate.
The State of California and private insurers are not actively encouraging
the investigation and prosecution of cases of fraud and abuse in the
workers'
compensation system.
Private insurers have referred only 160
cases of suspected fraud and abuse in the workers' compensation system to
the Fraud and Abuse Bureau of the Department of Insurance during the last
eight years.
Only 17 of these cases have been opened for investigation by
the Department and only one of these cases has been prosecuted.
The delays in payments in injured workers combined with the increased
forensic medical costs and litigation costs have dramatically increased the
administrative overhead costs of delivering workers' compensation benefits.
In 1986 it cost 52 cents in direct overhead to delivery one dollar in
benefits as compared to 32 cents 10 years ago.
The escalating use of employer liability insurance has significantly raised
the costs of workers' compensation insurance in California.
Since 1979,
when the first civil suit was filed under the employers' liability section
of a workers' compensation policy, employees have been successfully using
this section of workers' compensation coverage to file personal grievances
and termination injury claims.
The increase in subjective claims for psychological disability also has had
a negative impact on the workers' compensation system.
Between 1980 and
-30-
1986, the number of mental stress claims grew from a total of 1,282 to
6,812,
an increase of
531
percent.
Such
claims,
because
of their
subjective nature, result more frequently in litigation and highest costs.
While these claims filed in 1986, they accounted for more than seven
percent of all claims litigated.
The effectiveness of vocational rehabilitation in California has not been
evaluated.
These benefits were established by law in 1975 and they
represented 15 percent of benefit costs in 1986.
Al though vocational
rehabilitation has been
shown to be cost-effective when it is used
appropriately, the effectiveness of California's administration of vocation
rehabilitation training has not been evaluated.
One of the major factors that increases the cost of California's vocational
rehabilitation program is the delay and disruption in commencing and
completing vocational rehabilitation plans.
Currently, there are minimal
incentives
for
employees,
insurance
carriers
and
injured workers to
promptly commence and complete rehabilitation programs.
Other states have
taken
more
stringent
measures
to
track
and
control
vocational
rehabilitation activities and costs which may be useful in California.
RECOMMENDATION S
The Commission believes that the following actions should be taken to
address the problems that the Commission identified in the State of
California's workers' compensation system and to control the rising costs
of those benefits:
1.
The
Department
of Insurance
Fraud
Bureau
should establish,
written criteria for opening and closing workers' compensation
fraud
and
abuse
cases.
In addition,
the Department should
encourage carriers to report potential fraud and abuse and should
itself actively prosecute
such cases.
or cause
them to be
prosecuted.
2.
The Governor's Multi-Agency Task Force on the Underground Economy
should specifically establish a method to identify employers who
intentionally fail to report wages or misclassify employees, in
order to reduce workers' compensation premiums.
3.
The
Insurance
Commissioner
and
the
Workers'
Compensation
Insurance Rating Bureau should establish a policy and method to
identify employers who change business or corporate identities in
order to avoid being properly rated based upon prior claims
experience.
4.
The current allowable vocational rehabilitation services should
be modified by the Legislature based upon the evaluation of
results of the study currently being performed by the Division of
Industrial Accidents in cooperation with the California Workers'
Compensation
Institute
and
other
studies
of
the
long-term
effectiveness and control of vocational rehabilitation programs.
Specifically, there should be uniform standards for vocational
rehabilitation programs.
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5.
The Governor and the Legislature should provide the Division of
Industrial Accidents with the authority to identify insurance
carriers for audits based on poor performance, including untimely
payment
of
benefits,
and
to
specify
the
necessary
audit
procedures.
The Department of Insurance should be required to
report to the Division of Industrial Accidents the results of
those audits.
6.
The
Department
of
Insurance
should
require
the
Workers'
Compensation Insurance Rating Bureau to collect information on
the carrier's employer liability policy sections and to recommend
a
standardization of policies.
The
Department of Insurance
should use this information to establish industry standards and
actuarially determine if a premium is needed for this section and
its specific coverages.
In addition, the information on each
carrier's policies should be provided to the public.
7.
The Department of Industrial Relations should consider the use of
professional court administrators to assess and manage
the
ongoing administrative systems and calendars of the Workers'
Compensation Appeals Board Offices.
8.
As an interim measure, the Department of Industrial Relations
should consider assigning Motions
and Settlements Judges
to
review only Compromise and Release agreements as a method of
expediting the adjudication process.
9.
The Governor and the Legislature should enact legislation to
require a single and final "agreed upon third party" medical
report when the results of two previous reports do not provide
agreement on the nature or extent of injury to the worker.
10.
The Governor and the Legislature should enact legislation to
repeal
the
"power
press"
exception
to
general
workers'
compensation coverage.
11.
The Department of Industrial Relations should examine the impact
of recently implemented regulatory examination protocols on the
evaluation
of
claims
for
psychological
and
stress-related
injuries.
If the results of this review indicate that minimum
standardized examination procedures are of value in assessing
1nJury,
the Department
should work to establish examination
protocols for other injuries not covered by current protocols.
12.
The
Governor
and
the
Legislature
should
consider
adopting
legislation
to
clarify
and
strengthen
the
Insurance
Commissioner's and Director of Industrial Relations' powers to
assess penalties upon carriers and self-insured employers for
delaying payment to the injured employee as an incentive to
reduce litigation.
13.
The
Governor
and
the Legislature
should
consider requiring
employers to provide employees with a thorough description of the
full
spectrum
of
benefits
available
through
the
workers'
compensation insurance program when an employee is hired.
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A P PEN D I X
WORKERS' COMPENSATION PSYCHIA TRlC CLAIMS IN CALIFORNIA
Address to the Senate Industrial Relations Committee, 12/2/87
Bertram Cohen, Workers' Compensation Judge
A BRIEF HISTORY
The concept of adverse emotional consequences, that 1s,
psychiatric disability, arising in an industrial context is as old as
the California workers' compensation system itself. Our system
dates back to 1912, and beginning with the very first year after
creation of the system the Industrial Accident Commission was
called upon to consider allegations of post-traumatic emotional
disability. In a couple of cases in the very early years the lAC
displayed considerable skepticism when confronted with the idea
that for psychiatric reasons a worker not otherwise organically
impaired should be entitled to compensation, expressing the opinion
that such mentally-based illnesses were virtually akin to
malingering. However, not long afterward, as early as 1915, the lAC
in Finley v. U.S. Fidelity & Guar. Co. (2 lAC 195) did award
compensation to a worker with a traumatic neurosis, 'and although
some skepticism continued to prevail, as early as 1922, in an
opinion remarkable for its approach that presaged doctrines to be
expressed by the courts decades later, the lAC held, in the case of a
worker with a back injury who was afraid to return to work for
fear of further injury, that the employer took the worker as it
found him, neurotic tendencies and all, and that even though a
more normal worker probably would not have experienced such a
reaction, it was precipitated by the injury and had a cause-and-
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effect relationship to it. The case was Bethlehem Shipbuilding Corp,
v. Kostrekin (9 lAC 97).
Although most of the early cases dealt with emotional
reactions to specific physical injuries, the idea of an injury caused
by events over time, psychiatric or otherwise (legally termed a
cumUlative injury) has been ingrained in the law since the
landmark 1959 decision of the California, Court. of Appeal in
Beveridge v, lAC. 24 CCC 274, in which Justice Tobriner opined that
al~hough the effect of a single bit of work strain may not be
disabling in and of itself, the combined result of such strains over
time can be destructive and produce compensable disab1l1ty, Labor
Code S3208.1. enacted 1968, now defines a cumulative injury as
"repetitive mentally or physically traumatic activities occurring
over a period of:time, the combined effect of which causes any
disability or need for medical treatment."
The cumulative injury doctrine was first applied to psychiatric
injury in Baker v, WCAB (1971) 36 CCC 431, in which a firefighter
claimed that over a period of time he developed cardiac-like
symptoms after exposure to fumes and smoke, increasing
progressively thereafter. No heart trouble was found, but he was
medically determined to have a "cardiac neurosis" of emotional
origin, related to the dangers of his job. The Court of Appeal
concluded that such a psychoneurotic injury caused by the job
environment is compensable, finding no difference between
cumUlative physical and emotional injuries, the latter being every
bit as real and disabling as the former.
But what about the amount of work stress necessary before a
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reaction may be deemed compensable} Again, a considerable body
of doctrine has developed over the years. As far back as 1946, in
the case of Liberty Mutual Ins. Co. v. lAC (Calabresi) 11 CCC 66, the
Court ot Appeal, per Just1ce Peters, dealt W1th the case ot an
elderly laborer who suffered a heart attack while lifting sacks of
peanuts, a normal requirement of his job. The court referred to
the line of cases holding that the employer takes the worker as it
finds him, and went on to declare that. where work strain exists,
even though the strain 1s usual to that type of employment,
injury resulting therefrom is compensable so long as a causal
connection is shown by substantial evidence to exist between the
strain and the disability or death. Many cases since then have
reconfirmed and refined that doctrine. For example, in the leading
case of Lamb v. WCAB (1974) 39 CCC 310, the California Supreme
Court pulled the threads together in the case of a machinist found
dead of a heart attack beneath his gear-cutting machine. On a
record that included existence of certain deadlines and a history of
the decedent expressing worry about performing the job well, the
Court reiterated the doctrine that the e~ployer takes the worker
as it finds him, and held further that it is not the amount of
stress inherent in the job that is relevant in stress cases, but the
stress that the jo~ has in fact exerted on that particular worker.
Thus, by the early 1980's, the basic doctri.nes were all in place:
the concept of cumulative psychiatric injury was well established,
as was the doctrine that the employer takes the worker as it finds
him. It was clear under the leading cases that the job need not
entail an unusual amount of stress, so long as it 1s stressful to the
particular worker, causing disability. It remained for a case to
come along that dealt with a frank situation of cumulative
-35-
psychiatric injury caused by allegations of perceived stress.
SUBJECTIVE PERCEPTIONS OF STRESS
That case was Albertson's v, WCAB (Bradley), 47 CCC 460, in
which the Third District Court of Appeal was confronted with a
supermarket worker who alleged that difficulties with perceived
harassment by a manager were the ca\lse of her psychiatric
disability and need for medical care. The employer's psychiatrist
stated that the worker had a preexisting and nonindustrial
progressively deteriorating mental condition of many years
duratIon, but that she did subjectively perceive job harassment,
and the claimant's evaluator felt that she had an obsessive-
compulsive personality that hypersensitized her to the stresses at
work. The Court of Appeal affirmed a WCAB decision in favor of
the claimant, in a landmark 1982 unanimous opinion. The court
noted that job harassment is a type of work stress, like other
stressful factors such as numerous deadlines, repetitive tasks, etc.,
and that the cumt.:.lative effects of stress and strain can cause
compensable d1sabil1ty. No basis exists for separating
psychoneurotic injuries from others in that regard. Since the
employer takes the worker as it finds him, the proper 'test in cases
such as this is a subjective one. To quote the court:
"The proper focus of inquiry, then, is not on how much stress
should be felt by an employee in his work environment, based on a
"normal" reaction to it, but how much stress is felt by an
individual worker reacting uniquely to the work environment. His
perception of the circumstances (e .g., crowded deadlines, mountains
of paper, a too-fast assembly line) is what ultimately determines
-36-
the amount of stress he feels."
The court did, however, agree with the WCAB that no
compensable psychiatric injury would exist where the work Is a
mere passive element that a nonindustrial condition happened to
focus on, i. e., simply a stage upon which a nonindustrial problem
is played out, or the allegations of work stress are merely after-the
fact rationalizations.
The Albertson's decision is the law at the present time with
respect to causation, but a great many questions have arisen about
its application to specific situations. Where, for example, does
subjective perception leave off and pure imagination begin? What
constitute active stressors in the employment as opposed to mere
passive factors? These are evidentiary questions that must be
addressed on a case-by-case basis. It must be remembered that
the burden is on the worker to prove his or her case by a
preponderance of the evidence, and in psychiatric cases both
competent lay testimony and accurate medical reportage are the
determining factors.
If a preexisting problem or abnormality combines with
perceived stress to cause disability, who should bear the burden of
paying compensation? The law of apportionment in this area is no
different than in any other type of industrial injury (Callahan v.
WCAB (1978) 43 cce 1097). Apportionment may be appropriate if the
worker had a preexisting disability (not simply a pathological yet
nondisabl1ng condltlon)(Labor Code 54750) or an underlying disease
that was aggravated by the industrial exposure (to the extent that
the work injury "lights up" the disease process and renders it
-37-
disabling, the employer 1s responsible for pa ymen t of compensation
- Labor Code S4663). Although the worker bears the initial burden
of proof in his claim, the burden is on the employer to prove
apportionment (Pullman Kellogg v, WCAB (Normand) (1980) 45 CCC
170) and this can only be done with factually and legally accurate
medical reports. The only type of disability that can be so
apportioned is permanent disability~ neither TD nor medical
treatment are apportionable as to the worker, although liability for
these benefits can be shared as among carriers in cumulative
injury cases. As the California Supreme Court held in the leading
case of Granado v. WCAB (1968) 33 CCC 647, payment of such benefits
should not have to await determination of the complex legal issues
involved in apportionment. The employer is therefore responsible
for the entire award of TD and medical treatment if the industrial
exposure contributed to the disability. This also applies to the
vocational rehabilitation benefit, under Labor Code S139.5.
SPECIAL SITUATIONS
The courts have ruled in many special areas in psychiatric
cases, but for the sake of brevity I shall only cover a couple of
them. One is that of psychiatric disability resulting from criminal
activity. In its 1980 opinion in Pac. Tel. & Tel. v. WCAB (Blackburn)
45 CCC 1127, the Court of Appeal held that disability caused by stress
.occasioned by the worker's criminal activity is not compensable.
The employer must, however, prove all the elements of the crime
by a preponderance of the evidence. This rule has been extended
to situations in which the worker was engaged in activities
prohibited by the employer's rules, thus outside the course of
employment.
-38-
The area of psychiatric injuries suffered as a result of Job
termination is a confusing one that has generated much
controversy. To be compensable, an injury must arise out of and
occur in the course of employment, and be proximately caused by
the employment (Labor Code S3600). In the 1983 case of Georgia
Pacific Corp. v. WCAB (Byrne) 48 CCC 443, the 2d District Court of
Appeal held that an injury arising out of termination of
employment does not meet those criteria, and is therefore not
compensable within the compensation system.. This view is
consonant with the recent California Supreme Court decision in Cole
v. Fair Oaks Fire Prot. Dlst. (1987) 52 CCC 27, in which the Court
appeared to hold that the exclusive remedy rule in workers'
com pens a tion precludes an employee from seeking civil damages
against the employer for disabling intentional infliction of emotional
distress if the employer's actions relate to normal aspects of the
job, such as criticism, demotion, etc., however outrageous. No
reference is made in the Cole decision to termination, thus the
court's opinion does not run contrary to Georgia Pacific. However,
in a line of cases beginning in 1978 with Renteria v. City of Orange
(43 CCC 899), the courts had held that an employee could avoid the
exclusive remedy rule by asserting that the mental distress was
not accompanied by physical injury or disability. The Cole court
recognized the anomaly here, stating that intentional infliction of
emotional distress causing physical injury is worse than that which
does not, but a civil suit is precluded in the latter case. In 1987 the
Third District Court of Appeal confused the issue further in
Shoemaker v. Myers (192 CA3d 788), by holding that termination is
one of the normal employment risks envisioned by Cole, thus a
claim for damages resulting from disabling intentional infliction of
-39-
emotional distress by wrongful termination is subject to the
exclusive remedy rule. This area is presently in considerable
dispute, but the Supreme Court has granted review in Shoemaker
and we are currently awaiting the outcome.
SOME GENERAL COMMENTS
I would like to conclude with a few general comments, spoken
from personal perspective, and not as a representative of the
Administration. I am aware that a number of bills are presently
proposed that would make certain changes in how we deal with
claims of psychiatric injury. It is not my place to state what the
law should be regarding such matters; as a workers' compensation
judge, it is my task to apply the law as it is, and it is up to the
Legislature to state the law and the courts of appeal and Supreme
court to interpret it for me, my colleagues and the lawyers who
litigate before me. Without overstepping my bounds, however, I
would respectfully submit a few general comments. First, it is
quite true that there has been an increase in the number of claims
of psych1atric 1njury in the workers' compensation system in
California in recent years, especially since the Albertson's case.
While I do not have the numbers, this fact is very apparent to any
WCJ now on the bench. That does not tell the whole story,
however; such claims are matters of very high profile compared to
other claims, for several reasons, including the fact that a much
smaller proportion of such claims are adjusted informally than is
the case with other types of injury. In the majority of cases the
employer or carrier will deny the claim based on little more than
the fact that it is psychiatric in nature. We therefore see a
greater portion of them going through the formal litigation process.
-40-
Another factor is that psychiatric claims are generally more
complex and people-intensive than other injury cases, arising often
as they do out of failed interpersonal relationships. This leads to
extended proceedings and production of a lengthy record, all of
which generates a heavy drain on a system that is presently
attempting to operate with severely limited resources, but must at
the same time afford all parties full entitlement to due process of
law.
However, I would respectfully urge the Committee to proceed
with caution in analyzing any proposed legislation that would
change the standards for dealing with psychiatric injury cases. The
problem is not simple, and any simplistic solutions must be viewed
with caution. Psychiatric injuries are seldom clearly discrete; they
are more often part and parcel of injuries to other parts of the
body, such as the cardiovascular system, gastrointestinal system,
etc., and treating the psychiatric aspect differently can raise
substantial questions of equal protection. Moreover, stress can
manifest itself in ways other than psychiatric~ do we afford
different treatment to one worker who suffers emotional problems
as a result of work stress than to one whose symptoms from the
same stress appear organically? In addition, workers with clear-
cut, unquestionably valid organic injuries often suffer emotional
consequences from such factors as depression caused by the
economic loss during disability or the pa1n of the injury. Do we
wish to set different criteria for compensating those aspects of the
worker's problems simply because they are branded psychiatric?
Finally, as you have seen from the foregoing summary, the
legal concepts presently used to determine compensability of
-41-
psychiatric cases did not arrive with a. single, cataclysmic
proclamation from on high, but are the results of many years of
evolving doctrine going back to the beginnings of our compensation
system. I would respectfully urge the Committee to look with
great care at any legislation that would abruptly alter these
standards, all of which were developed through painstaking
analysis by some of our very best appellate justices.
Thank you.